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1 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


GE 

235 

.W18 

E58 

1994 

ANACRU 


ANACOSTIA MUSEUM 


CONFERENCE 


ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND CONCERNS 
EAST OF THE ANACOSTIA RIVER: 
JUSTICE OR JUST US? 


Saturday, June 18, 1994 


The conference was held at the Allen Chapel 
A.M.E. Church, 2498 Alabama Avenue, S.E., Washington, 
D.C., at 9:00 a.m. 

PRESENT: 

THERESA ALEXANDER 
KISHI ANIMASHAUN 
DOROTHY ASHLEY 
JAMES BANKS 
JOANNA BANKS 
FERIAL S. BISHOP 
GOD BUIDIN 
ROBERT BOONE 
VENITA BOYD 

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PRESENT 


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(Continued): 

PONCE BROWN 
RACHELLE BROWNE 
JAMES BUTLER 
ROSS CAMPBELL 
RONA CARTER 
HERBERT CHAMBERS 
ADDIE COOK 
ZORA MARTIN FELTON 
DOROTHEA FERRELL 
DEEOHN FERRIS 
MAURICE K. FOUSHEE 
LIZ GILCRIST 
ROBERT E. GULDIN 
MARLUIN HALL 
JIM HANNAHAN 
HANNAH. M. HAWKINS 
LOUVENIA HOLMES 
GUSTAV JACKSON 
DEBRA JONES 
THERESA JONES 
ABSOLON JORDAN 
JULIA S. KERR 
ROBERT J. KNOX 
ALLISON M. KOLWAITE 

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PRESENT 


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(Continued): 

GRAHAM KUSIMA 
KWELISMITH 
ADAORA LATHAN 
ARNE LEONARD 
LEON G. LIPSCOMB 
DELLA LOWERY 
LOUISE MADISON 
JODEANE MARKS 
TOM MARTIN 
VERONICA MIDDLETON 
LINDA MOODY 
KEMI MORTEN 
ELAINE C. MOSBY 
ANTHONY MOTLEY 
FRIEDA MURRAY 
STEVEN NEWSOME 
RETHO P. NOBLE 
JAMES O'CONNOR 
PHIL PANNELL 
ROSA PINDERHUGHES 
CHUCK D. RAMSEY 
ROBERT RICHARDSON 
JOE RODGERS 
PAUL RUFFINS 

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PRESENT 


(202) 234-4433 


(Continued): 

RICK RYBECH 
JEWELL SAUNDERS 
ROGER SMALL 
JEROME SMITH 
SYDNEY SMITH 
GERALDINE TWITTY 
GROVER L. TYLER 
EVAN VALLIANATOS 
JULIA WASHBURN 
PAULA WELCH 
ADRIAN WHITE 
DARRYL O. WHITE 
JERALD L. WHITE 
WILLIAM WINER 


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CONTENTS 

PAGE 


Paul Ruffins 

6 

Rachelle V. Browne 

45 

James O'Connor 

47 

Geraldine Twitty 

65 

Ferial S. Bishop 

72 

Robert Knox 

82 

Deeohn Ferris 

93 

James Banks 

108 

Theresa Jones 

119 

Evan Vallianatos 

122 

Rev. Anthony Motley 

134 

Rona Carter 

143 

Robert Boone 

147 

Kemi Morten 

159 

Rev. Herbert Chambers 

164 


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PROCEEDINGS 

(9:45 a.m.) 

MR. RUFFINS: Thank you. 

(Applause.) 

MR. RUFFINS: I recognize some friends 

here, people who I've seen at other places. I taught 
a course in environmental racism at the Institute for 
Policy Studies about five years ago, and what I'm 
speaking on today is a very much continuation of the 
work that I've done over the past five years, writing 
about environmental justice and the political issues 
involving the Afro-American community in environmental 
justice. 

If we start from a basic question, which is 
to say in a society that is an unjust society, the 
people who are at the bottom — in many cases we can 
say at the bottom of the ecological food chain — 
happen to be also the people who are exposed to the 
highest concentrations of environmental hazards. 
People have begun to notice now. This was an idea 
that was beginning to be thought of in 1988 and '89, 
but it's been articulated now. There's a variety of 
good materials. 

In terms of Washington, D.C., the 
specifics, I'm not very much going to go into the 

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specific technical things of pollution in Washington, 
D.C. I know there are other people in this room who 
are going to speak who know that better than I, but 
I'd like to refer you to this document, "Our Unfair 
Share, a Survey of Pollution Sources in our Nation's 
Capitol." It was recently published by the African 
American Environmentalists Association, which is 
associated with the group I'm with, which is the 
Center for Energy, Ecology and Community, the National 
Association of Neighborhoods, and the National 
Wildlife Federation. 

And to read for you, if you really want to 
know what are considered the most serious 
environmental issues in Washington in 1994, one is 
motor vehicle air pollution. The city is out of 
compliance with the federal Clean Air Act, and it does 
not seem that it will be able to be brought into 
compliance with that without some very serious changes 
made, much more intense car, automobile emissions 
control in not just the District, but also in Virginia 
and Maryland. 

Urban water runoff. Every time it rains, 
when you ask yourself, "Where does the rain go? Where 
does the rain on the roofs, where does the rain on the 
streets, where does the rain that cannot soak into the 

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ground go?" it runs off, and unfortunately a lot of it 
runs of literally downhill into the Anacostia River; 
okay, some into the Potomac, but the Anacostia River 
is one of the most polluted urban rivers in the United 
States. It's supposedly one of the fourth worst 
polluted rivers. 

Everything you throw out, batteries, oil 
from your car, antifreeze, these things that go into 
the streets get washed by the rain into the rivers. 

Then the question of combined sewer 
overflows. When you get big rains, can the sewers 
handle the rain, and where does that water go? It 
ultimately goes into the rivers. 

Drinking water contamination. I'm sure you 
remember it was in December there was an alert for 
people to, you know, boil their water because there 
had been a mistake made in the reservoir uptown. 

Lead exposure. I'm sure many of you are 
aware now that the really serious problem of lead 
exposure, particular urban children, particularly 
black children, Hispanic children who live in old 
buildings, who live near highways. It's estimated 
that the rate of lead poisoning, not just lead paint 
— we used to think the lead was just in the paint. 
Now we realize the lead is also in the air, in the 

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soil, in the waters. 

A lot of people have — my house, for 
example, is an old house, and if you look in your 
basement next to where your water meter is, a lot of 
the service into buildings is lead. So one of the 
things I have done, I've had to buy bottled water. 

I'm a middle class person, but one of the things I 
have to spend my money on is buying water for my 
children because my house is one of the 25 percent of 
the ones in Washington where the lead levels are 
unacceptably high, and that's just a cost. 

When we talk about, you know, can the 
average person afford cleaning up the environment, 
when you figure in things like having to buy water, 
and in fact, probably most of the black people who 
live in Southeast, in this part of the thing, should 
have their water tested. Okay? This is a case where 
a disproportion is disproportionately borne by the 
poorest people. 

I can afford bottled water, but I'm sure 
many people cannot, and we're concerned about why do 
so many young black people make choices that seem 
crazy. Part of it is some of them are not thinking 
straight because their brains have been poisoned. 

Another thing is illegal dumping. As it 

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gets more expensive to legitimately dispose of things, 
people have been subject to midnight dumping. A 
friend of mine who has a photo studio over by the 
Rhode Island Metro Station literally came to his job 
one morning and couldn't get in because someone had 
dumped, without exaggeration, 500 tires, you know, a 
pile of tires as wide as this room and ten feet high, 
in the alley leading to his place of business, and I 
don't know how much it's going to cost him to get rid 
of them. 

So those are some of the environmental 
issues right here in D.C. right now. These all have 
political implications. You know, the mayor is 
supporting — the current mayor and also the former 
mayor — are supporting the creation of the Barney 
Circle Freeway Project, which is right over the 
Pennsylvania Avenue Bridge, all right, which will help 
bring a lot of people from Maryland and possibly 
Virginia into downtown in a more efficient manner. 

But when we have to ask ourselves what does 
that mean to the people who live here, okay, what does 
it mean for people who have to breathe the air, I 
would suggest that we need to ask ourselves are a few 
construction jobs, okay, worth it. 

It used to be that people say, "Well, you 

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know, the federal government is paying for half of 
it," or two-thirds of it or three-quarters of it, but 
is that money that you get from the federal government 
for six or eight months or two years worth the 
construction jobs? What is the impact that's going to 
have on the people who have to live here? 

Anyway, I recommend this to you. It's very 
detailed. It's new. It's got a lot of good, very 
detailed information on what are the sources of 
pollution in Washington, D.C. I think they did a very 
good job. 

What I'm going to specifically speak on are 
four ideas. I'm going to tell you two stories. I'm 
going to discuss the black patron saint of recycling, 
and then I'm going to talk about some ideas that we 
don't really usually consider environmental. The last 
thing that I'd like to talk to you about is crime as 
an environmental issue because part of what we want to 
speak on is, you know, there are no buffalos in 
Washington, D.C. There are no spotted owls, but when 
we begin to look at an environmental consciousness and 
ask ourselves how can thinking of things 
environmentally help us deal with some of these other 
problems, like I'm sure if we had this meeting at 
night, all of us would be paranoid about walking out 

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of here, walking into the parking lot, because we see 
these kinds of guestions. 

People have said not that long ago — it 
was not too long, 1966, 1985, 1987 — "Well, black 

people aren't concerned about the environment. We 
have more pressing things to worry about, like crime 
or like feeding ourselves every day." 

My contention to you is that these are 
environmental issues, and the things that we will 
learn in the environmental movement can be applied to 
try to deal with some of these very serious social 
justice guestions. 

The first thing I'm going to speak on — 
these are just chapters of my book — is the history. 
One of the critical incidents in the environmental 
movement, what I would say is the birth of the modern 
African American involvement in the environmental 
movement, and I would say in many cases if people 
think of the Montgomery bus boycott as a critical 
incident in the civil rights movement — this is when 
Martin Luther King comes to prominence. This is when 
they win. Okay? This is when Rosa Parks — we know 
these stories. 

Well, the equivalent of the Montgomery bus 
boycott is the Warren County, North Carolina, major 

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demonstration in 1982, in 1982, and partly how that 
comes to happen is a good way to get a picture of how 
dumping — we've been hearing that black communities 
have been cited for dump sites, and Warren County is 
the example of how that happens. 

What happens, it starts with a crime. What 
happens is on June 24th, 1978, in the middle of the 
night a man named Burns, a man named Burns, takes a 
truck out of a company called Ward Transformer in 
Raleigh, North Carolina, to dispose of PCB oils. 
Okay. PCB oils are widely used in electrical 
transformers, okay, which are one of the most basic 
parts of all industrial societies. How do you 
distribute electricity? 

If you look out on electrical poles and you 
see those big, gray canisters, okay, they look like, 
you know, they're this big and they're round. They 
are transformers. They step the current down from 
five or six, maybe 2,000 volts, and the things that 
come into your house at 110, which is much saver and 
what appliances run on. 

Inside those transformers, at least most of 
the old ones, is a thing called PCBs. Okay? And 
they're useful. They're very good in transformers. 
They don't break down. They don't explode. They 

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don't burn at normal temperatures. 

However, the fact that they don't burn, 
they don't break down means they stay in the 
environment forever. Well, let's just say a couple of 
hundred years before they break down. They're very 
stable. So the same chemical properties that make 
them useful to electricity make them toxic in the 
environment. 

And what had happened was that in 1976, the 
Toxic Substance Control Act basically said that these 
were cancer causing. We know they're dangerous, and 
we're going to stop manufacturing them in the United 
States. This is a decision that's made after Earth 
Day, after the society begins to say things like, "We 
have to be more careful if we're going to get rid of 
this stuff, okay? We just can't make these things 
indiscriminately. We're going to put a stop to that." 

Okay. In '76 they say we're not going to 
make anymore. Later on — that's the Toxic Substances 
Control Act. Okay. It'll illegal to manufacture this 
stuff, but there's still thousands, possibly millions 
of transformers hanging around all over the United 
States containing billions of dollars, of gallons 
worth of this oil. 

Now, what happens is that this guy named 

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Ward decided he thought there was a business 
opportunity in recycling, recycling these materials, 
right, and this other gentleman — no, excuse me — 
Burns thought he would go into business recycling. 
What happens was this guy name Ward had a large 
company making transformers and repairing 
transformers, and he had about 12,000 gallons of this 
stuff on his property. 

In 1978, they also passed a law that says 
that you now have to dispose of them in EPA approved 
or approved toxic waste sites. Okay. Now, this is a 
good example because, on one hand, the society is 
doing something that was probably a good thing to do. 
It was a good thing to stop making this stuff. It was 
a good thing to decide to be more careful in where it 
was disposed, but they didn't think it all the way 
through and begin to say, "Well, where are we going to 
dispose of it? What are we going to do with it?" 

So what you have now is this man Ward has 
a problem. He's got 12,000 gallons of this stuff 
that's very expensive to get rid of. He doesn't know 
what to do with it. This man Burns says, "Ah, I know 
what to do with it. I'm going to warehouse the stuff. 
I'm going to recycle it. Okay. I'm going to start a 
business collecting these things, collecting this 

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stuff, and then when other people want to repair 
transformers, you simply recycle it by repairing 
transformers. I'll have it, and I'll sell it, and 
that's what's going to happen." 

And what he does is he rents a warehouse in 
Pennsylvania, and he's going to move this stuff from 
Raleigh, North Carolina, to Pennsylvania where he's 
going to recycle it and become a millionaire. 

It doesn't work that way. He moves about 
2,000 gallons of it, and he says, "This is not 
profitable. I'll never make a dime trying to do 
this," and then they decide to dump it. 

So what happens is in the middle of the 
night, they go out and they head for — they have 
basically just a regular kind of panel truck. They 
put a 750 gallon tank in the back. They fill it up, 
and they take it to the Fort Bragg, North Carolina, 
testing range, which is where they test artillery 
shells. It's in the middle of nowhere. It's 
isolated, and they just take this tank; they open the 
tank up; they drain the stuff out; and they get rid of 
750 gallons of it. 

He goes back to Raleigh to get another 
load. When he goes back to Fort Bragg, what he 
thought would happen was if you just, you know, let it 

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out, it would just drain into the ground and 
disappear. That's not what happens. He gets there 
and he realizes there's this huge — well, he's got an 
oil slick. He's got an oil slick. Rather than being 
a little, small thing, they can tell clearly that 
something has been dumped here illegally. 

He dumps the second load, and he almost 
gets caught right there because what happens is the 
truck gets stuck in the sand. In fact, the police 
later helped him pull his truck out. They don't know 
a crime has taken place. 

He goes back to this guy and says, "This 
isn't going to work," and then what they do is they 
get another truck, and they install basically a hose 
so that you can drive down the road. You don't have 
to dump it out, you just open up — you screw open a 
valve, and the stuff drains out, out of the truck, and 
Burns and his son — I don't know exactly how many 
trips they made, but in the next two weeks they get 
rid of the other 9,000 gallons by literally just 
driving along the roads outside of Raleigh, North 
Carolina, and they just drain it. They literally just 
drain it right out onto the road. 

They're pretty quickly caught. The stuff 
instantly kills the grass. I think the grass turns 

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like blue. You know, the state troopers look at it 
and say, "What in the hell is this?" They do a 
chemical analysis on it. It's very clear that it's 
PCB transformer oil. They relatively quickly track 
this guy down. 

Burns is arrested, and originally he says 
that Ward has nothing to do with it. He makes a deal 
with the guy to say, "I'll take the weight for it." 
The guy who owns the transformer company had nothing 
to do with it. Later Ward reneges on his promise to 
pay the guy's legal fees, and then he is also 
arrested. 

Okay. Both of these guys go to jail. The 
question now is: what are we going to do with this 
stuff? These guys have polluted. It's not really 
clear. I think it's like 110 miles of road in North 
Carolina with very highly toxic stuff that causes 
birth defects. It causes skin rashes. It's bad; it's 
bad stuff. 

The State of North Carolina says, "We have 
four options." What they're going to do is they're 
going to dig up the dirt. If you wonder how do you 
clean up a toxic site like that, what they decide to 
do was basically dig up about four feet wide and two 
feet down of 110 miles. Okay. It's a huge amount of 

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stuff, and they decide what are they going to do with 
it. 

There are four choices. One is they can 
try to detoxify it at the site. They were going to 
try some chemical process to see if they can 
neutralize this stuff. That was one option. 

The second option was they could have taken 
it to a preexisting, EPA-approved landfill. I think 
there was one in Texas, and I think there was one in 
Alabama. 

The third option was they could basically 
burn the stuff in high temperature in these huge 
kilns. They thought that was too expensive. They had 
to move that — I think they had one in New Jersey. 
I don't remember all of the exact details, but there 
was a facility in New Jersey, but they concluded that 
it was prohibitively expensive. That would have cost 
$3 million — no, $7 million. It would have cost $7 
million, and they thought that that was prohibitively 
expensive. 

So what they decided to do was bury it in 
the state, and then they had to decide where they were 
going to put it, and where they decided to put it was 
a town of Afton in Warren County, North Carolina, and 
it just turned out to be extremely poor. It just 

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happened to be the county with the highest percentage 
of black people in the entire state. It was 84 
percent black. It had no city council. It was an 
unincorporated county. Obviously there were no black 
members of Congress from that area because at that 
time in North Carolina there were no black members of 
Congress from North Carolina. There were no black 
state senators to go into the state legislature and 
say, "No, we don't want this." 

And they decided to build the dump in the 
town. Now, the people in the town did not know this 
waste dump was going to be put in their town until 
they put up fliers saying there's going to be a public 
hearing about this, after the decision had already 
been made. 

The people in the town, they tried to 
organize. One of the things they did was they hired 
a soil scientist, a guy name Mulchi, who said the site 
is just inappropriate. All right. There are two 
things. It does not meet two of the EPA — the 
federal EPA has laid down ten or so conditions to have 
a good dump, and this one cannot meet two very 
important conditions. 

One is it's supposed to be impermeable. So 
it's supposed to be in clay because you don't want 

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this stuff to leak out into the aquifers, into the 
water supply. There was very little clay in this 
particular town. 

The second one was the EPA said that any 
waste site had to be at least 50 feet — had to be in 
an area where the water table was at least 50 feet 
below the surface of the soil. In this case, the 
water table was only ten feet below the surface, and 
it was also a town where probably 95 percent of all 
the people in the town, okay, got their water from 
wells. 

It was just an environmentally 
inappropriate site. This did not stop the State of 
North Carolina. It did not stop the EPA. The 
community put in several lawsuits, several lawsuits, 
to try to get the thing stopped, and they never were 
able to get it stopped. They sued. They showed down 
the process. They finally got the — there were a lot 
of permits needed. They argued a lot of technical 
things, that the design had not been designed well, 
and finally they lost. 

This story has no happy ending. All right? 
They did manage to get certain kinds of things done, 
which is they did get the judge to require a liner. 
When they had originally designed this dump, they were 

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going to put the cheapest dump they could design into 
it. After several lawsuits, they did get a liner in 
the bottom installed, which they had not originally 
planned to install. All they planned to install was 
a liner at the top and cover it with soil on the idea 
that if no rain could get into the top of it, nothing 
would leach out underneath. 

They went to court. They did get the judge 
to reguire a liner on the bottom, and they did get the 
judge to reguire what they call a leachate system, 
which is, I guess, you use large crushed rocks 
underneath, and you can pump it out if anything does 
leave it, but everything was going to be okay. This 
was no problem. There was nothing to worry about. 
They had the problem solved. 

The people did not buy it. Okay? They 
were not happy about it. They were not going to stand 
up with it, and several people, a man named Ken 
Fielding from the local university and a woman named 
Dollie Burwell were organizing community opposition to 
this, and Dollie Burwell plays a critical part for 
several reasons. 

One is she had been in the civil rights 
movement, and people were angry. They were 
considering violence. There was a very real threat 

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that the people in the town were not going to put up 
with this, and people were saying they were going to 
get guns, and they were going to start literally 
shooting at these trucks. 

If you want to know, there was 8,000 dump 
trucks full of material that was going to be put into 
this landfill, 8,000 dump trucks. Okay. If you think 
of the size of a dump truck, that's what it takes to 
dig up 110 miles of roads, 110 miles six feet wide by 
two feet down. 

On the day that this happens, that they're 
going to begin to ship the stuff, it was the first 
we don't really know what the first demonstration of 
black people it was against the environment. We may 
find out that it happened in 1920. Okay. As we look 
into our history, it's very hard to know what really 
is the first one or what people have protested before, 
but as far as we know, this was the first major 
demonstration against a toxic waste dump in the United 
States by anyone, black or white, and these were the 
ordinary black people. These were the church ladies. 
These were the farmers. These were not what we would 
consider environmentalists. Okay? These were people 
fighting to protect their community. 

And starting in September 15th, it took 

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them about two or three weeks to truck this stuff in, 
8,000 truck fulls. Five hundred twenty-five people 
were arrested, but they finally did the dump. 

Now, one of the reasons why this incident 
remains so important when we look at our history of 
the environmental movement is two important things 
happen. Two people were arrested there, and one was 
our own Reverend Walter Fauntroy, who was with SCLC. 

Bob Lowery from SCLC came down. He was arrested. I 
believe his wife was also arrested, okay, on the front 
lines, and Walter Fauntroy came down. 

And there was a funny story about Walter 
Fauntroy because part of what happened was they said, 
"Well, can you come down? Can you help us out?" 

Walter said, "I'm really busy, but I'll 
flow down. I've got a small plane," and he told the 
guy, "I'll be right back. Keep the engine running." 

(Laughter.) 

MR. RUFFINS: You know, and he went down, 
and he said — the Dollie Burwell said to him, "Well, 
you're a Congressman. They can't arrest you. You 
have congressional immunity," and the story is Walter 
said, "That's right. I'm a Congressman. They can't 
arrest me." 

Well, they had never seen a black 

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Congressman in Warren County in 1982. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. RUFFINS: And Walter sat down in the 
street and was promptly arrested and taken to jail. 

Also Ben Chavis came down, the Reverend Ben 
Chavis who was at that point the Deputy Director of 
the United Church of Christ Institute for Racial 
Justice. He was also arrested. 

In the end, the demonstration did not work. 
Okay? The dump was there. The dump was completed, 
and the dump was built, and it's tragic because as 
soon as it was finished, something that was going to 
hold this stuff forever, literally before they could 
put the cap on, they had a tremendous several weeks of 
rain, heavy rain, and they figure half a million 
gallons of water went into this perfectly dry 
landfill, all right, eroded huge gullies that were 
supposed to be — this was a mound that was supposed 
to be, you know, smooth, and they would landscape it, 
and before they were finished, there were huge 
gullies, and the top material was mostly washed away. 

And then they found that the liner of the 
thing, this impermeable liner they had put in began to 
balloon literally in places. They could see the top 

of this thing coming off. 

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What had happened is there were, I guess, 
natural gas deposits under the site. So the thing 
begins to balloon. So they way they solved that was 
they went to the top and drove pipes down through the 
liner to let the gas out. 

So this Cadillac of a landfill was 
defective from the day that it was built, and that was 
in 1982, and to this day it is not fixed. It's still 
there. There's an interview with Dollie Burwell where 
she says, "Well, every time it rains, every time it 
rains I wonder what's getting down there and when will 
the water be poisoned." 

And they say it's not just a question of 
“if." It's just a question of when will it be 
poisoned. 

The good thing that came out of it, there 
are a few good things that came out of it, which was 
that was the first time — and again, I use the first 
time trying to be historically correct — that the 
white people and the black people in the town actually 
got together on any significant political organizing. 

This part I will read to you. This is the 
first chapter of my book. The mobilization against 
the dump completely changed the politics of Warren 
County. In 1982, Afro-Americans were 65 percent of 

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this population, but held only one of five seats on 
the Board of Commissioners and one of five seats on 
the School Board. The next year after the 
demonstration, they went back and did a major voter 
registration drive, okay, and got people to go to the 
polls, right. 

Afro-Americans captured three of the 
commission seats, and there are not two blacks or a 
Native American serving on the School Board. The 
county elected its first black representative to the 
North Carolina house and senate, and Dollie Burwell, 
the woman who helped organize it, is the Registrar of 
Deeds. 

State-wide voter turnout in general 
elections was only 25 percent, but in Warren County 
they consistently get 60 percent of the people to turn 
out to vote. So it was a mobilizing thing. People 
came out. They lost, but they got organized, and even 
ten, 12 years later, that has led to a much greater 
level of community and political activity going on in 
that town. 

So that's the story of the first major 
African American mobilization for environmental 
justice. 

Now I'm going to talk to a story that is 

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extremely painful to me because it took place in 
Washington, D.C. You can see Warren County as an 
example of where poor and powerless black people were 
victimized by the state and possibly by the society, 
where they said, "Look. It's good to clean up this 
stuff, but you're going to get it." 

Okay. Had the Congress never decided to 
ban the manufacture of PCBs, they would not have come 
to a town. None of the people in that town got any 
jobs making that stuff. None of them worked in 
electrical power plants. None of them got the benefit 
of that chemical. Maybe our society has benefitted 
from the creation of PCBs. We have lights. Okay? We 
have electricity. That is probably good, all right, 
but none of those people got any of that good, and 
that's when we talk about the injustice of it. 

Everybody has lights, but they have the 
pollution, and that is essentially what we see 
happening again and again and again and again, there 
may be good things produced, but some people get a 
disproportionate share of the bad stuff. 

Now, I'm going to talk about D.C. How many 
of you were in Washington in 1987 for the bottle bill 
campaign? Do you remember that? Do you remember 
that? 


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Well, I'm going to talk about the bottle 
bill which is, in my mind, a terrible disgrace. This 
is also a story with no happy ending, okay, but it is 
not a story primarily about poor black people being 
victimized, okay, by people on the outside. In my 
mind, this is a story of how poor black people were 
victimized by our own people, black ministers, okay, 
black politicians, black public relations executives, 
some of whom were good friends of mine. 

I used to be in the PR business. So I know 
some of these people personally. Okay? Where 
basically people's feelings of black solidarity and 
nationalism were exploited, and racism was exploited 
to fight an idea that would have been a good thing for 
our community, and then I'll start to tell the story 
now. 

It should have been easy to pass a bottle 
bill in 1987. Okay. Seventy-two percent of the 
people in Washington thought it would be a very good 
idea to put a deposit on bottles and cans. Most of 
the older people, most of the people in this room, I'm 
sure, who are over 50 or even — excuse me — who are 
my age remember — 

(Laughter.) 

MR. RUFFINS: I'm sorry. 

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— remember when we were children that 
people took bottles back. Okay. There was a deposit 
on bottles. This is before probably most things came 
in cans, but there was a deposit on every bottle. It 
did not seem like an oppressive idea. It did not seem 
like a conspiracy against the poor. It did not seem 
like white people trying to fill your house with 
roaches. Okay? It seemed like a good idea. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. RUFFINS: People experienced it. It 
did not seem oppressive that you had to take the 
bottles and cans back to the stores. It was an idea 
that had worked for years and years. All right, and 
that's an important thing to remember. This is not a 
new idea. 

Okay. It should have been easy. It should 
have been easy to pass a bottle bill in '67. The 
District has some very unique — well, the District is 
small. Okay. It's only 44 miles. All right? It's 
not like most states that have upstate. There is no 
upstate in D.C. Okay? There's no rural areas where 
you can build dumps. Okay. It's landlocked. All 
right. 

There's only two facilities to get rid of 
things. One is the Benning Road. Twenty-seven 

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percent of the trash went to the aging Benning Road 
incinerator, okay, and the other 70 percent went to 
Lorton. 

Well, the Lorton landfill is almost full, 
okay, for a couple of reasons. One, it's been 
operating for years and years and years. Two, 
Virginia has its own solid waste disposal problems. 
Maryland has its own solid waste disposal problems. 
In the '80s, the Greater Washington Area was the 
fastest growing area of any place in the country. 
Rockville was the fastest growing city in the '80s. 
All right? This was a construction boom. The 
population in this area has doubled. 

My wife grew up here, and she said, you 
know, Gaithersburg used to be a horse farm. So a 
Metro in Gaithersburg is kind of unbelievable now. 

It should have been a perfect place for a 
bottle bill. The District of Columbia has always been 
a politically progressive place. Okay? We have 
supported rights for gay people. We have supported 
health care coverage for everybody. We have supported 
gun control. Okay? We have traditionally been the 
kind of political or community that recognizes these 
political issues, okay, and what was good. It should 
have been just our kind of issue to say, "Let's clean 

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up the streets." 

If you have an honest kid, let him make 
money cleaning up the street. It seems like a good 
idea. It should have passed. 

Again, the first poll said 72 percent of 
the people including, which by definition means more 
than 50 percent of all the black people, thought that 
a bottle bill was a fine idea. Okay. What happens? 

Not to mention the bottle bill had been 
introduced. Okay? The bottle bill started in 1974. 
Most people don't realize that a bottle bill has been 
introduced into D.C. at least four times, at least 
four times. In 1974, a bottle bill passed. It was 
introduced by the late Julius Hobson, was the person 
who introduced it. A stone progressive black 
politician introduced the bottle bill into the city 
council in 1974, and it passed the city council by a 
vote of six to three. It was vetoed by Mayor 
Washington, who was concerned that they would lose 
business, that the stores in D.C. would lose business 
to Virginia and Maryland. 

It just turns out that Loudoun and Fairfax 
County in Virginia also passed bottle bills around the 
same time, in the early '70s. Those were thrown out 
of court because basically under a technical thing. 

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That was a bit of state legislation that a locality 
could not do on its own. 

Montgomery County has a bottle bill on the 
books, by the way. This is a very well kept secret 
during the campaign. There is a law in Montgomery 
County that was passed at approximately the same time, 
that if they passed a bottle bill in either the 
District of Columbia or Prince George's County, it 
would go into effect. 

So, in fact, had they passed a bottle bill 
in D.C., it would have instantly kicked in the one in 
Montgomery County, dramatically reducing the chances 
that businesses would have lost any business across 
the county line. 

This was never brought up. Okay. Then in 
the mid-'80s the bottle bill was reintroduced. Hilda 
Mason in 1984, Hilda Mason introduced a bottle bill 
into the city council, putting I think it was a — she 
and Polly Shackelton introduced a bottle bill into the 
city council, and it was bottled up by Nadine Winter. 
Okay? Nadine Winter would not let this out of 
committee. Nadine Winter was against; she was just 
against it. 

She was working with an organization. I 
forget what it's called — the Keep America Beautiful 

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Foundation, which is funded by Coke, Pepsi, Budweiser, 
Reynolds Aluminum. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. RUFFINS: Okay? People who make — and 
she bottled it up. 

PARTICIPANT: Pardon the pun, right? 

MR. RUFFINS: No, but it's true. She never 
let the legislation out of committee in the city 
council. It stayed there dead for three years. 

In '87, Hilda Mason came back again and she 
and Wilhemina Rolark from across the river, Ward 8, 
okay, two black women — first a black woman and a 
white woman, okay, Hilda Mason and Polly Shackelton, 
long-time respected Washington, D.C., organizers 
introduce a bottle bill, and then in '87, two black 
women introduce a bottle bill, okay, Hilda Mason and 
Wilhemina Rolark. Wilhemina, who represented — are 
we in Ward 7 or Ward 8? 

PARTICIPANT: Eight. 

MR. RUFFINS: Who represented this ward 

introduced a bottle bill into the city council. 

Okay. Nadine Winter would not let it get 
out of committee. Once again it was not allowed out 
of committee. Okay. They were talking about 
voluntary recycling. The industry did not want them 

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to put a deposit on the bottles. Okay? The industry 
said, "Well, we can have a clean-up. Well, we can do 
this. Well, it should be voluntary. Okay. No, it's 
too much trouble." 

She never let it out of the committee, and 
it was only after that in 1987 that basically three or 
four white environmentalists tried to put it on a 
bill. If you want, one was Jim McCarthy, who's 
chairman of the Washington Deposit Coalition; Gene 
Karpinsky, head of the U.S. Office of PIRG, U.S. PIRG, 
which is right down on Pennsylvania Avenue. 

An interesting thing that Calvin Rolark has 
told me, that PIRG was one of the first things he 
funded through the United Black Fund. Yes, yes, 
Calvin Rolark said in the early '80s, when they 
started PIRG, which was part of Ralph Nader's research 
group and came out of Ralph Nader's organization, that 
the United Black Fund funded them because they thought 
they were such a good, responsible community 
organization and that the community needed a kind of 
government watchdog organization. 

And then there was a guy named Jonathan 
Puth from Environmental Action. These are three — 
they're all white — three guys who introduced, 
basically made the move to introduce the bottle bill 

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as a referendum. No, it was an initiative. It was an 
initiative. Let me see if I've got it right. I don't 
know if it was actually technically an initiative or 
a referendum. It may have been a referendum because 
they were responding to something that was already in 
the city council. It's not really important, but you 
take it basically to the citizens. 

All right, and they decided to do that. 
They started collecting signatures after the '86 
primary, and they easily got the 50 or whatever, 
20,000 signatures they needed, and immediately the 
industry began to fight them. 

Okay. The metropolitan area liguor 
distributors, you know, coalition fought it. They 
went to court to keep it off the ballot, and then they 
began to — as they got their signatures, more and 
more people got upset about it. The people who 
decided to fight it the most was from Mid-Atlantic 
Coca-Cola. Okay? I'll tell you who. I don't need to 
personally name any bad guys, but the guy who was 
chairman of Mid-Atlantic Coca-Cola was the main bad 
guy in this. Okay? 

And that's when they formed the Clean 
Capitol City Committee, okay, which was the group, 
okay, that fought the bottle bit. It was chartered in 

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Maryland. It wasn't even in D.C., okay, and when they 
had their first meeting, okay, when they called their 
first public meeting, the people from Coke weren't 
there. The people from Budweiser weren't there. 
Sterling Tucker was there. Okay? They paid Sterling 
Tucker $10,000, okay, to represent them, and he later 
denied that. 

Okay. They tapped into — Sterling Tucker 
tapped into an organization he had founded when he had 
been chairman of the city council, the organization of 
100 black ministers. All right? Sterling Tucker went 
directly to — he sent the letter to the minsters' 
organizations. Okay? 

And time after time throughout this whole 
story, okay, they went to well respected black 
community leaders to fight the recycling. So when 
they had their first rally, which was held in a big 
hotel in downtown, you didn't see the faces of the 
industry. Okay? You didn't see the chairman of Coke. 
You didn't see the chairman of Pepsi. You didn't see 
the guy who was president of the Glass Packaging 
Institute. You saw Sterling Tucker. You saw Reverend 
Ernest Gibson from Mount Rising Baptist Church, okay, 
who had been head of the Washington Council of 
Churches, coming out against recycling. 

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It was terrible. It was a terrible thing 
to see, okay, and what happened was ultimately they 
used black community leaders, black community people. 
They brought media in, in every black newspaper, and 
I had a black newspaper just about then. So I went 
and spoke to — they went on the Cathy Hughes Show. 
Ultimately a very cynical group of white corporations 
got the black civil rights leadership of Washington, 
D.C., to fight a bottle bill. 

And every time you go out think about that. 
Okay? So when you see the bottles in the parks and 
the bottles and the cans in the streets and you 
remember that we were exploited, okay, people did not 
understand. Black people at that point — and I know. 
I've spoken to some of these people. They said, 
"Well, we didn't really know." 

Okay. They hadn't begun to understand 
where our environmental issues were. They thought 
that the million dollars that the industry gave to 
public relations consultants and Cathy Hughes and the 
Afro to buy all of this radio and television time was 
a good investment. 

But every year since we have not had a 
bottle bill, it has cost the city about a million and 
a half dollars a year to pick up those bottles, okay, 

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at a time when we're talking about laying off city 
workers. It was a terrible decision. It was a 
terrible decision, and the community has to be very 
careful. 

I mean if there's anything that comes out 
of it it is that we must be very careful who speaks 
for us. We must be very careful and seriously sit 
down and define what our interests really are, okay, 
so that a few dollars to black newspapers, a few 
dollars to political consultants, and a few dollars to 
black television time does not constitute doing good 
things for the community. 

That was a terrible story of that. Now for 
the good new. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. RUFFINS: The good news is that there 
are tremendous, tremendous, tremendous possibilities 
for solving the problems that we see. You know, you 
talk about, well, what about crime? What about the 
fact that people cannot find jobs? Okay. What does 
this have that, you know, particularly there seem to 
be real serious problems with young men? They cannot 
find jobs. Okay. They cannot feel like men. So they 
decide to feel like men by proving they can shoot 
people. 

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Okay. They don't have constructive work to 
do. They see no future, and I said to myself when I 
began to write this, I said: where in black history 
can we look; where can we look for our ancestors? 
Where can we be guided by the people who went before? 

And I looked around, and in the first 
chapter, first page of my book, I started out by 
saying that people need to remember why Martin Luther 
King was actually in Memphis when he was killed. 
Martin Luther King wasn't supposed to be in Memphis. 
Jesse Jackson and Andy Young urged him to come on. 
They were doing the Poor People's Campaign, okay, to 
come to Washington. 

Martin Luther King was in Memphis to 
support the sanitation workers on their strike. All 
right. In other words, these people who are cleaning 
up the urban area, you could say the bottom line 
troops of recycling; that's why he was in Memphis. 
That's why he was in Memphis when he was killed. 

But then I looked back and I said, well, 
you know, Elijah Mohammed was another person. Okay. 
Elijah Mohammed talked about "don't go into those 
stores. Make your own clothes. Have your own 
businesses. Get out of this consumption. This 
consumer consumption is killing us. The cars are 

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killing us. The bottles are killing us. We're being 
buried." 

And when we consume, we are now burying our 
brothers and sisters because all of the new dumps, 
trust me, if they're not burying them in black areas, 
they're going to be in Hispanics. I look for an 
ancestor, and I found one. I found an ancestor, and 
I almost cried when I read this. 

George Washington Carver, Scientist and 
Symbol. It's a scholarly biography published by 
Oxford University Press, and I began to say: where 
are we compared to the black people in Tuskeegee, 
Alabama, in 1900, 1895, when people were starving, 

when people were desperate, when people were 
uneducated, okay, superstitious, okay, and George 
Washington Carver had this idea that God had given you 
everything you needed to make a better life for 
yourself. 

And we talk about the things he did with 
peanuts. It wasn't just this. He said to these 
people, "Look. If you've worn out four farms" — and 
one cotton farmer said, "Don't tell me that." An old 
black man said, "Don't tell me how to farm cotton. I 
know how to farm cotton. I've worn out four farms." 

(Laughter.) 

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MR. RUFFINS: Right? And he said, “You 
know, if you blow under the leaves, if you take the 
horse manure, okay, you can replenish the earth around 
you. " 

And he said, "Don't just grow cotton. If 
you grow cotton, you'll stay in debt. You'll stay in 
debt. You'll stay in debt, and your children will be 
starving because in the wintertime you'll have to go 
down to that sharecropper's store and spend that 
little money on fatback and molasses, okay, which are 
not nutritional. Instead of trying to grow more 
cotton and spend that money, if you grow half an acre 
of vegetables, your children can eat." 

Okay, and one of the things is he was very 
interested — he did not have a lot of traditional 
gender roles. He was very good at sewing. He was an 
extraordinarily good cook. He said to the women, "You 
know, you can take those corn husks, and you can have 
rugs on the floor. You can have curtains on the walls 
of your shack." 

He said to the men, "If you wash that red 
clay, you can wash the red out of the clay and have 
color in your life. You can have a better life for 
yourself and your children" through what we would now 
say recycling, at a time when people were desperate, 

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and they had nothing. 

We have so much here, and I want to end by 
reading you about two people in this area, okay, who 
are really doing that. One is a guy named D.K. Wesley 
Copeland, who is a chemist, right, who is with the 
National Academy of Science, and one of the things he 
did about 20 years ago was he went into the ghettos of 
Caracas, Venezuela. Okay. I mean terrible 
conditions, terrible. 

He said, "What resources do we have?" They 
said they took and they looked, and he was an 
engineer. He looked around and, you know, all we see 
are magazines and newspapers and tin cans and stuff. 
They started a business. They took a garbage 
disposal, a regular garbage disposal like you have in 
your sink, okay. What can you do with a garbage 
disposal, old magazines and newspapers and a screen 
door? 

Well, with enough water and enough 
magazines and a regular, old garbage disposal, you 
could run the magazines through the garbage disposal, 
you could screen them out on a screen door, and you 
can make beautiful writing paper. You can make very 
fancy stationery. It's extremely expensive, and they 
set up a small factor in this community making 

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stationery and note paper literally out of the funny 
papers with a very small thing. 

They said, "People don't have enough to 
eat," and they said, "All we see in the streets are 
tin cans." They did hydroponic gardens. There was no 
room for regular gardens, but they did tiered 
literally in boxes, in wood boxes, hydroponic gardens 
out of tin cans. Right? They started them end to 
end, and they made everything they needed to do that. 

He has an office in downtown. There's 
another guy who's literally called, okay, the George 
Washington Carver of the Prisons. The guy's name is 
James Ingram. He's an industrial engineer. He has a 
company called Design Recycle, right, and they make 
all kinds of things. They make stuff from tires. 
They make stuff from glass. You can make marble, you 
know, kind of artificial marble from unsorted glass. 
You can make park benches from plastic milk jugs, 
these things. 

But what he recycles is people. Okay. He 
has a furniture. He teaches furniture refinishing and 
upholstery in the Prince George's County Jail. Okay? 
He takes guys who have never done anything 
constructive in their lives, all right, and teaches 
them you can do something. You can do something with 

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your hands. You don't have to just kill people. You 
can be a productive person. 

He has — generally about 50 percent of all 
the guys who go to jail go back to jail. He has 
achieved a recycling rate of about 93 percent. Only 
three percent of the guys, and they're mostly all men. 
I don't mean to be sexist about this. Only three 
percent of the inmates who go through his program come 
out and go back to jail today. 

And what he said to me, "This guy doesn't 
understand." He says, "This guy thinks what he's 
doing is refinishing a chair." He says, "He's not 
refinishing a chair. He's rebuilding his own life." 

(Applause.) 

(Whereupon, a short recess was taken.) 

MS. BROWNE: We have a luncheon planned. 
Lunch is only half an hour. So we'll have the panel, 
hopefully generate some questions at the end of the 
panel, continue questions through lunch, and then come 
back for the afternoon program. 

As Steve indicated, the fact that the 
Anacostia Museum is convening this morning in Allen 
Chapel A.M.E. Church, it reflects a coming together of 
various segments of our community to address 

environmental issues. 

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This panel also reflects a variety of the 
differing disciplines and training and experience that 
have come together to address environmental justice 
issues. We have legal issues. We have scientific 
issues, and in terms of our scientists in the 
environmental justice movement, they really have 
replaced the sociologists that were so crucial in the 
civil rights movement in the '50s and '60s. Our 
scientists today are the Kevin Clarks that testified 
in the 1954 Board of Education decision. 

So what I would like to do is to have the 
two scientists address the health effects on us, on 
our communities, on our children; also the effects of 
pollution and failure to take care of our environment 
on the land, the air we breathe, and the water we 
drink. 

And we're going to start first with Jim 
O'Connor. His bio is introduce in the materials to 
this program, but basically he's associate professor 
of geoscience at UDC. He's also taught at the 
University of Maryland, at Boston College, and he's 
the national coordinator for minority participation in 
the earth science program. 

Each panelist will have essentially 15 
minutes to present their topic. 

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Jim. 

MR. O'CONNOR: Well, good morning, and I 
want to thank Laura and Joanna for inviting me to be 
one of the scientific experts. 

I have spent 22 years studying the real 
underground of Washington, D.C., and my job today is 
to make you aware of the rich cultural and natural 
history of this side of the Anacostia River, as well 
as to help you be better stewards by understanding the 
whole role of history on this side of the river. 

And what I would like to start out with to 
get you in the frame is to go back to 192 6 and to 
bring black spirituality and the environmental 
movement together through the renowned African- 
American poet Langston Hughes, through his poem The 
Negro Speaks of Rivers . 

I have known rivers. I have known 
rivers ancient as the world and 
older than the flow of human blood 
in human veins. My soul has grown 
deep like the rivers. I have bathed 
in the Euphrates when dawns were 
young. I have built my hut near the 
Congo and it lulled me to sleep. I 
looked upon the Nile and raised the 
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pyramids about it. I heard the 
singing of the Mississippi when Abe 
Lincoln went down to New Orleans, 
and I've seen its muddy bosom turn 
all golden in the sunset. 

I have known rivers, ancient, dusty 
rivers. My soul has grown deep like 
the rivers. 

That poem has not ended. We are now in the 
Anacostia area, and the Anacostia is your 
spirituality, and that's what I want to talk about 
today, is this side related to the wonder river. 

And the first thing I would like to do is 
tell a myth. Contrary to the American rivers David 
Letterman Top Ten, our river has never been cleaner in 
the last 20 years. The last two years have seen major 
changes in the guality of the water. It is the best 
guality judged by chemistry, judged by the fish over 
the last two years, and judged by the sea birds coming 
in to eat those fish. 

The geology on the bottom, however, is 
another whole story, and probably in my lifetime it 
will never be cleaned up unless somebody invents a new 
technology to eat it and clean it in place. 

And the east bank is much cleaner than the 

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industrial and urbanized west bank in Ward 6. 

Now, where am I going to start? One of the 
things that was just mentioned was that science is now 
the social studies of today. Without science you're 
dead in the water. Every citizen must know the 
appropriate science. Let me repeat that. Every 
citizen must know the appropriate science, and you've 
already seen that a little bit this morning because 
I'm focusing on the end of today's title, and that is 
"Just Us," and it's you that need the knowledge to 
protect your environment. 

The survival of the fittest depends on 
those that understand the habitat that they're in, and 
only you have a neighborhood. Every neighborhood 
needs to be preserved. Every of the 53 neighborhoods 
in the District is polluted, but nobody is going to 
worry about your neighborhood except you because 
they're worried about theirs. 

There's where the activism comes in, and 
what I want to share with you today is to protect all 
of the good things that are already over here on this 
side of the river. The eastern shore of the District 
of Columbia is wonderful. The best open spaces and 
natural spaces are in part of the green necklace over 
here. They need to be preserved for the next century, 

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and they are under stress, believe me. 

And with that what I'd like to do is take 
you through a little, quick history of seeing all of 
the peoples and the natural resources that are over 
here, similar to what we did two weeks ago when we 
looked at 46 sights over here on the good, the bad, 
and the ugly. 

Would you show the first slide? 

I'm going to run through these just to give 
you, again — you need an equal foundation before this 
afternoon. The first thing is to look at the census 
data as a map. In this case, everybody is blue. So 
we're all blue. 

And within that, keep in mind now that 
Washington, D.C., is just nothing but an urban oasis 
within the larger Chesapeake Bay context, but it is a 
very important context. 

(Simultaneous conversation.) 

MR. O'CONNOR: But keep in mind now this is 
what we're talking about, is one little blue oasis 
from outer space, and it does show up from outer 
space. 

What we really need to understand is the 
foundation, physical geography. Why is your 
neighborhood unique? We are part of the Anacostia 

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Valley, and the whole Eastern Shore is nothing but a 
big, giant cliff, and all weather basically comes from 
this side of the world and slams against your 
neighborhoods. That's all I'm going to say about air 
pollution. You need to understand the meteorology, 
but these cliffs are beautiful. 

The other aspect is looking at what's under 
your feet, and that is the basic geology, the same 
geology that fostered George Washington Carver to play 
games and goes back to the lathyritic soils of the 
tropical belts of the eguator, is the wonderful red 
clay on either side of the Anacostia River. 

That red clay, you see, goes all the way 
along the mid-blocks from Eastern Avenue all the way 
down to almost the tip at Southern Avenue. It is a 
major importance for the history of the area. 

This is what it looks like. Four hundred 
feet thick. It is why we have all of the bricks, not 
only here, but in the rest of the city. This is our 
natural resource for brick, but this is one of our 
creatures. It got wiped out and burned. This is the 
D.C. dinosaur that lives in those swamps that piled 
out that red clay delta higher and deeper on this side 
of the city. 

There is a rich history, but keep in mind 

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now if kids could find this stuff, and that of all 
ages, you could make a fortune, especially if you 
found the eggs. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. O'CONNOR: We are just now 
rediscovering some of this ancient climatic past. As 
the green line tunnels through both towards the 
University of Maryland area, the middle of the city, 
and certainly out in this area, we are finding more 
and more bones. This is what a dinosaur bone looks 
like as it comes out of the subway. 

So there are rich histories to play with, 
but we really need to look at the people history. 
This whole belt of red clay goes from Gay Head, 
Massachusetts, all the way down to the Richmond City 
Jail in Richmond. 

Why be concerned? It is physical hazard, 
not chemical hazard. The biggest problem on this side 
of the city is physics, not chemistry. How many of 
you recognize this spot? One person. This is 0 
Street and Branch Avenue. It took $3 million to put 
a wall up here. Most of you have probably seen the 
wall off Pennsylvania Avenue. This is why one has to 
worry about the red clay. Your house is going to go. 
Your habitat can be moved if you wet this red clay. 

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So we have all kinds of wonderments, from 
the super landslide that wiped out 95 roughly 20 years 
ago, to the 0 Street slide, to the Hillcrest slide, to 
the Benning Road slide. I can go on and on. Most of 
them have been fixed, but somebody had to pay money. 

In the '70s, the city put in a law so this 
wouldn't happen, and you must now have geotechnical 
studies before you can build houses. So we put in 
laws to protect you against Mother Nature, and yet we 
see people don't understand science. If you recycle 
the bottom of the slide to the top of the slide, then 
you haven't taken a course in physics to see that if 
you pile everything on the top, it's going to slide 
down the hill. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. O'CONNOR: So George obviously didn't 
go to UDC and take a basic science course or he 
wouldn't have spent all of that money doing that. 

Now, part of understanding this is what 
piece of time do you want to talk to me about. In 
this neat map here, which you may or may not be able 
to see from the back of the room, it has a bunch of 
colors. So when I go back, this blue line along here 
is where the Native Americans live. That is the 
shoreline of the Anacostia on the Eastern Shore here 

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back in 1792, when Washington, Banneker and Ellicott 
were planning out this neat-o chunk called the 
District of Columbia. 

There's a red line in here to show just 
before the Civil War, and the black lines you probably 
can see are today's shorelines of the Anacostia and 
the Potomac. You've lost two-thirds of both rivers 
downtown because of reclamation to create land for 
Anacostia Park, for East Potomac Park, et cetera. 

Oh, yeah, that has a lot of fun. What is 
all of that stuff? Where did it come from to go in 
the water? 

Well, these people knew a lot about 
geology. They had to live off the land. The 150 
people that lived here every summer, they loved it 
here because the land was good to them. They had the 
first outdoor education school of preparing the 
geology to make the goodies that they needed to 
survive. 

This is what their villages looked like. 
This is the real Anacostia. What happened to those 
people? What kind of environmental goodies took care 
of them? And when did they go down the drain? 

We now have their record. So as the subway 
system dug up Suitland Parkway to put in Anacostia 

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Station, this is some of the stuff they found. So we 
now know how good — all that's left is the geology, 
but we know a whole bunch about those people from the 
tools, and this was not for crime. This was for 
survival of a different sort. 

And then, of course, we have big changes. 
Because we are a seaport, then people could come by 
tall ship to visit us, and starting in the 17th 
Century, people came to visit and take care of the 
good resources, like the beavers and other good things 
that were around here. They also took the trees to 
fix their boats and the tar along with that to patch 
up the boats. 

And with that came another plan. Totally 
wrapped up in our local history is the role of 
tobacco, not the nasty environmental goodies that you 
could argue about out of tobacco and air pollution of 
today, but the money of yesteryear, and not only the 
money of yesteryear, but the whole role of bringing in 
people to make sure that you could harvest the crop, 
and not only do we have two-legged beasts of burden. 
We also had four-legged beasts of burden and hence the 
name "Oxen" of Oxen Run and why these kind of 
creatures had to walk all the way up Good Hope Hill, 
and you had a cabin at the top. 

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But notice now the plantation area is very- 
wrapped up not only with cultural and social history, 
but also with the beginnings then of the filling in of 
the Anacostia with sedimentation, and people lived off 
that wonderful clay. The same clay that gave the 
bricks and gave nourishment to the tobacco gave 
nourishment to all that lived, as well as economy to 
a few. 

That has not changed, and then, of course, 
the next era as we jump from plantation days, we 
become planned cities, and we have Andrew Elliott 
taking care of some of the downtown things, and we 
have the mathematician, astronomer, surveyor Benjamin 
Banneker doing all of the work early in the morning as 
he used the rising sun and the setting moon to plot 
out all those wonderful boundary stones that some of 
you saw last week. 

So along Eastern Avenue and Southern Avenue 
every mile is a Banneker boundary stone, and remember 
now that was done 2 04 years ago with the sky and a 
piece of chain, and they are accurate, not by 
kilometers, but by miles, and here they are. 

There is the original District of Columbia, 
ten by ten by ten by ten. So what district are you 
dealing with? And, again, this isolated core of the 

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Eastern Shore is an important piece of that whole box. 

And with that we get to see there are 
cities within the box, and dealing with that, you want 
to look at all of these rivers. So one of the neat 
things about looking at that is the two most important 
goodies in the emerald necklace over here, and that is 
because of the Civil War the green space is protected 
over here in a beautiful line, and besides the green 
space, you have the rivers. 

But the key I want to leave you with in 
understanding this is this city is built on seven 
steps, seven bottoms of the Potomac River, and that is 
an important key because the developers understand 
that if you stand at the edge of one of these steps, 
you will see forever, and we can go to our Lady of 
Perpetual Health panorama view and see from the top 
step that you're sitting on right now. We can drop 
down to Saint E's and go to Artis Point at Saint E's 
and see that wonderful view of L'Enfant City. 

We can go down to Douglass' house and see 
the hill and sit on his front porch and see that 
beautiful view. We can drop down to Minnesota Ave. 
and wonder why Minnesota Ave. is so flat across the 
whole length that it drives. 

These are river terraces similar to where 

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we plunk the neighborhood called River Terrace, but 
all of these are important because your problems are 
related to this diagram. Each of these diagrams has 
springs that have been lost. There's a river cutting 
down through, all through the bluffs from Alabama Ave. 
down to the Anacostia. There are streams cutting down 
through all of these stairs. 

And people have said that valley for the 
river is ugly. Let's fill it in. So one of them is 
God's dump because nobody protected the valley. 
Nobody has put up signs saying, "This is the name for 
my stream," and there are more than 12 streams over 
here. So you can go through and look at the meanders 
of the Potomac. You can look at all of the rivers of 
downtown that are lost, but these are your rivers all 
along here that the federal city and regional 
governments do not fully recognize because you have 
not said, "I want a sign. I want to know the name of 
my river. I'm going to protect my river." 

These lost rivers of the Anacostia are an 
important key. They're all alive and well, but they 
need someone to look at them. They need someone to 
keep them. They need stewards, and the dirtiest river 
in this city is note the Eastern Branch. It is this 
river here that you call Suitland Parkway. 

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Go out and see it. Find it. So when you 
see all of that ooze and leachate coming out of Saint 
E's, it following a river that is a tributary. When 
you go to George Washington Carver trail and see the 
tires in Zora Felton Branch, it's all part of 
Stickfoot Branch. 

See your rivers at Dupont, Watts Branch, 
Piney Run. See these are the things that are here. 
You're not protecting the good stuff. This is what 
everybody is after, and you have the Anacostia 
Watershed Society. Maryland takes care of their 
stuff. We need to deal with all of these goodies down 
here, and if you don't say, "I want a sign, and I want 
to protect my rivers," who else is going to do it? 
They haven't done it yet. 

So get off your fanny and look at your 
river. Walk and find. If you see a road that goes 
downhill, there has to be a river at the bottom of 
that hill. Simple science. Then follow it until it 
hits the Anacostia, and this is what we're talking 
about now. 

There's all kinds of wondrous things. This 
is how they filled in the rivers. This is my geology 
of today. How do you do this? It ain't there. This 
is the sedimentation of the Eastern Shore of the 

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District of Columbia. This is how they did God's 
dump. It's not by nature. It's by 10-wheelers or 12- 
wheelers. That's not in my geology book. 

And also don't forget about this. What's 
under your street? By organization, everybody has to 
have their own little goodie, and when they come 
around with the spray cans for environmental graffiti, 
you get to see orange is for telephone and TV cable; 
red is for electricity; blue is for water; green is 
for sewage; yellow is for natural gas when you call 
Miss Utility. All of those things are under your 
streets and under your properties. 

One needs to be aware of that because it 
changes the ecology underground, and this is the kind 
of thing that's important. Here is our city dump from 
the '50s and the '60s. This is the Kenilworth 
sanitary landfill now known as a national park. This 
is where it was before Lorton, but keep in mind now if 
this started in the '50s what happened with all the 
trash before the '50s? It's someplace in the city. 
I guarantee every ward has at least two dumps, and it 
ain't on nobody's list up here. 

Well, one of the things that was important, 
and Paul talked about that stuff earlier, this is a 
safe place because it's totally lined with that 

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wonderful red clay, unlike Saint E's which was not 
lined. So it is oozing out, and that's where it is. 
Here it is right here. It's right next to Kenilworth 
Gardens. 

And we just spent $2 million planting 
trees, planting plants in here, $2 million tax money. 
How many kids from Woodson Senior, Anacostia Senior, 
et cetera, were involved with this project? All of 
those things were planted by hand by students. Zero 
from D.C. That's going on now. 

This is your Bible. The first urban soil 
survey by the federal government in the United States, 
done by two black, African American agronomists of 
soil sciences. This is where the information is about 
your neighborhood. 

If you don't know how to read it, then 
you're environmentally illiterate, and you need to see 
Jim Butler over there and make sure his office and 
Ferial's office runs a course so that you are literate 
about the soils for gardening or for safety in your 
back yard. 

Now, this looks like just a map, but colors 
mean environment. I don't care what kind of earth 
science map you get. If it's colored, every color is 
an environment that needs to be understood, and we 

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have less with old maps. This is where I make all my 
goodies, is from studying old maps, and I even 
discovered since my trip the other day, there was two 
railroads here on Nanny Burroughs Avenue area, not 
one. I always thought there was one, but it's now 
houses. 

But the reason I put this up, and the next 
slide will blow it up a little bit more, is to show 
you now here is 1950. Here is the Potomac Electric 
Power plant, not like it is today, and here is the 
Kenilworth marshes. There is no dump. There is a 
race track where the Mayfair Apartment complex is, was 
the old city race track. We've drastically changed in 
44 years. We've totally filled all of this in. 

So you need to get a sense of history of 
your land. You need to understand what's under your 
feet and the water-land relationship. You need to be 
aware of not only Mother Nature, but all of the things 
that people have done to land. You need to be able to 
go back and look at history and look at today. 

Here is the Anacostia River, and here is 
the vegetation. The law today would prevent this from 
happening because the Pennsylvania farmers can't let 
their cows into the river. Well, we don't have cows, 
but, see, that's illegal. There we encouraged it to 

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eat the hydrilla. We might have to bring cows back 
when you clean up the Anacostia. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. O'CONNOR: So remember now one of the 
neat things we have lost that is not only rich black 
history, but rich D.C. history is this is a marine 
seaport. This is founded by the founding fathers as 
a seaport. Don't lose that heritage. Use that 
heritage. Bring back the tall ships. Bring back the 
fish, and don't ignore the subway. 

There is wonderful ecology, not only the 
rat ecology, but keep in mind now the whole role of 
having a subway go through is important economically. 
It is important developmentally, and you need to be up 
front with this and not wait until everything happens. 

The developers know what's over here. They 
see the natural resources as an amenity to putting up 
wonderful highrises on slopes that will easily erode 
away. So when you start looking at the year 2000, pay 
attention to transportation, and the old railroads are 
probably the dirtiest spots in the city because they 
were the industrial corridors, but don't ignore the 
Metro as an ecology system in its broad sense. 

And, again, one of the things I wanted to 
leave you with: this is our background in the city. 

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Unlike the report that came out this week which is, I 
would say, a poor high school edition, this is the one 
that has the GIS, and there's a whole host of these 
kinds of city reports that people are ignoring that 
have been put out by your university for your 
neighborhood. 

So when you start looking at this now, this 
is what we're talking about. Listen to your elders. 
Pay attention to the kids coming along. This city has 
some of the best environmental education programs in 
the country for urban education, and they're going to 
get better. 

But at the same time, don't ignore all of 
the history that we have. Pay attention to the land. 
Listen to the land. Read the land, and as Frederick 
Douglass would say, "Agitate," but agitate from a 
strong knowledge base, not from emotionalism. 

Thank you. 

(Applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: Our next presenter is Dr. 

Geraldine Twitty. Dr. Twitty has a doctorate degree 
in biochemical genetics from Howard University. 
Recently she took a sabbatical to work with the 
Environmental Protection Agency and Office of 
Environmental Justice when she co-authored a paper on 

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protecting endangered communities. 

She also organized a lecture series 
entitled "Environmental Justice, Environmental 
Injustice." 

Dr. Twitty. 

DR. TWITTY: Good morning. 

PARTICIPANTS: Good morning. 

DR. TWITTY: I'd like to thank the 

committee for inviting us, and I want to thank them 
for inviting you because I think we need each other to 
get where we have to go, and where we have to go is 
along a route that will change our environment from 
what it is now to where we can survive. 

There is an old Mexican proverb that says 
that it's unwise to dirty the water around you because 
you might have to drink it. I would like to 
paraphrase. It's unwise to dirty our environment 
because we have to live in it. 

So it becomes our agenda; it must become 
our agenda to do something about it. 

I just want to show you a couple of 
transparencies because I've been asked to talk about 
what's poisoning or what potentially can poison us. 

Our drinking water; air; occupational 
exposure; our food; many of our so-called medicinal 

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drugs that are intended to help us; and then we have 
incidental and accidental exposures. That's all of 
what we are about, so that there's no one particular 
facet of our environment that can be considered to be 
free of hazardous materials that jeopardize our 
people. 

We've all heard and we know very well that 
disproportionately African Americans are affected by 
these various hazardous materials. To what extent? 
Let's look at some statistics. 

According to our Environmental Protection 
Agency, industries in the United States generate about 
265 million tons of officially classified hazardous 
waste per year. That translates to about one ton per 
person. 

In addition to that, there is another 40 
million tons of unregulated waste that is hazardous 
that is produced. By far the greatest volume of 
hazardous waste is produced by the chemical and 
petroleum industries. Together they account for 
something like 71 percent of our hazardous materials. 
Another 22 percent or so can be attributed to metal 
refineries, and all of the other industry contribute 
about seven percent. 

Imagine some 60 million tons, 60 million 

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tons of hazardous waste that enter our air and our 
waterways and our niches that our friends, our plants 
and animals, normally habitat, and that happens each 
year. 

The General Accounting Agency has 
identified some 425,000 abandoned hazardous sites. 
Yet as late as 1990, only 1,226 of these had been 
recommended for Super Fund clean-up. Some 444 
different toxic chemicals are associated with these 
abandoned sites, and if we tried to list maybe the ten 
top, we would look at lead. We would look at 
trichloroethylene, toluene, benzene, PCBs, chloroform, 
cadmium, chromium. 

You've all heard these names. They're not 
new to you. We accept them. We shouldn't accept 
them. 


If we look at what environmentalists 
commonly refer to as the five worst polluting 
chemicals, we can look at what we call total suspended 
particulates, sulfur oxides, carbon monoxide, nitrogen 
oxides, volatile organic chemicals, and what I've done 
is to try to show a relationship between particular 
kinds of pollutants and particular facilities that are 
most associated with producing that kind of entity. 

Total suspended particulates, things that 


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come into our air and settle back down on our soils 
and in our waterways primarily as a result of 
industrial processes and burning of fuels, coal, wood, 
oil, natural gas. 

Look at carbon monoxide: transportation. 
Some very large proportion of the pollution which the 
Washington metropolitan area experiences is associated 
with transportation. Do you have any vague idea of 
how many registered vehicles there are in the 
metropolitan Washington area? The document which has 
been referred to a number of times today, Unfair 
Share, documents some 2.8 million registered vehicles. 

These are people that live in this area, 
and what about all of the buses, all of the school 
kids who come into our area on a regular basis and 
bring their transportation woes to us? 

Carbon monoxide is an odorless, colorless, 
very, very highly toxic gas. What does it do to us? 
The best known involvement has to do with the fact 
that carbon monoxide preferentially and irreversibly 
binds with hemoglobin. That's the red stuff in our 
red blood cells that normally transports most of our 
oxygen. Well, if carbon monoxide is preferred to 
oxygen as a binding substance, as a transport 
substance to hemoglobin, how is it going to help us? 

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This means that the very parts of our 
bodies that produce energy and help to regulate energy 
are going to be compromised, and so we can have then 
a whole syndrome of ill health effects that are 
related to the incidence of carbon monoxide in our 
environment. 

Sulfur oxides, again, fuel consumption. 
These fuels inappropriately burned and contributing 
extra sulfur to our environment. Sure, we have 
natural sulfur. Anybody who has done any wetland 
moving about knows very well that we have sulfur in 
the environment naturally, but we are talking about a 
great increase in the amount of sulfur. 

Sulfur oxides combine with water in the 
environment, and what do you get? That nasty stuff 
called sulfuric acid. It'll eat a hole in anything, 
and it eats a hole in most things. In the atmosphere 
the sulfuric acid is a part of this business of the 
acid rain that we have. 

Look at nitrogen oxide. Again, almost 
equal contributions transportation-wise, stationary 
fuel combustion. Much like the sulfur, the nitrogen 
comes from burning these fuels at very, very high 
rates and very, very high temperatures, and again, 
much like the sulfur, the oxides combine with water. 

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You get nitric acid, which is as detrimental to living 
things, whether it be plant or animal, as anything 
else. This likewise contributes to the acidity in our 
rainfall, and so we plant our vegetables, and we 
expect them to grow, and the rains come, and what 
happens? The plants die. 

What good are plants to us? It's where our 
oxygen comes from. So if we don't maintain our green, 
living things, the plants in our environment, how are 
we going to get our oxygen? What's going to be our 
source of oxygen? 

I just want to address another particular 
issue, and that's one that I think many of us 
overlook. Indoor air pollution. How healthy is our 
indoor air? Not very healthy at all. Look at what we 
have to do. Smoking and environmental tobacco smoke, 
which is second-hand smoke; lead from a variety of 
sources. Fortunately we don't eat, I don't think, 
much canned foods anymore, particularly the canned 
foods with margins soldered together with lead. 
Radon; asbestos; formaldehyde; the insulation in our 
homes; the foam carpeting under our carpets; household 
cleaners: ammonia, chlorine, insecticides, 
pesticides. Sure, you spray for roaches. You use 
chemicals to keep down the moths so your clothes don't 

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have holes in them. 

You're killing yourselves. You are 
creating an internal environment which is far worse 
because we spent about 90 percent of our time indoors. 
We can't afford to let this continue. 

Where do we need to go? We need to go to 
school and learn what we need to do to make our own 
individual environments healthy. Begin at home. We 
always say that. Education begins at home. Make your 
home a safe environment, and then step outside. Make 
your external environmental as healthy as you make 
your internal environment. 

How? We've got to work together. We have 
a lot of work to do. We have a very short time to do 
it because our young people are being hurt. Your 
sixth graders exposed to large concentrations of lead 
are learning impaired. Their growth is stunted. 
Their nervous systems are damaged. We can't allow it 
to continue, and I think we're all here today to do 
something about it. 

Thank you for having me and good luck. 

(Applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: Thank you, Dr. Twitty. 

The comment about the role of education in 
the environment is a wonderful way to lead into our 

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next presenter. Ferial Bishop is the Administrator 
for the District Environmental Regulation 
Administration, and in that capacity she's the 
coordinator of environmental education and other 
outreach programs on behalf of the District of 
Columbia. 

She also, like Dr. Twitty, has spent her 
time in the Environmental Protection Agency, working 
at that agency as a biologist and gaining extensive 
expertise in the area of toxic substances, water 
pollution, and research, and she has another 
connection with Dr. Twitty. She graduated from Howard 
University, as well. 

Ms. Bishop. 

MS. BISHOP: Thank you. 

I'm just going to stand here and talk to 
you a little bit about what we do in my role. You 
heard from Dr. O'Connor, who gave us a wonderful 
history and explanation of what's happening in our 
area. 

My role is one of the regulators. I am the 
Administrator for the Environmental Regulation 
Administration here in the District of Columbia. I am 
the one who is responsible for enforcing the 
environmental laws on the books. 

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When Congress passed over the past years — 
I think they are up to about 12 or 14 laws passed by 
Congress — those laws went to the Environmental 
Protection Agency to administer, and what EPA does is 
then to develop national programs for the United 
States and outside on how they're going to administer 
and implement those laws passed by Congress. 

In addition to that, those same national 
environmental programs are passed out to the regional 
offices, of which there are ten in EPA, who then in 
turn feed it down to the states. 

District of Columbia is considered a state 
along with the other 50 states, and therefore, we are 
obligated, we are mandated, and we are required to 
implement those laws passed by Congress. If we don't 
implement those laws, we suffer the same results as 
any state in the union, either through sanctions, 
either through having their money taken away from 
them, or a whole host of environmental sanctions and 
penalties. 

So when you think about the Environmental 
Regulation Administration, which, by the way, is 
housed in the Department of the Consumer and 
Regulatory Affairs, an odd couple, but that's where we 
are, then you will note that we have the same 

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responsibilities for insuring that life in the 
District of Columbia is to the extent that we can make 
it a quality of life for all of us through the 
enforcement of all our regulations. 

I'd like to say just a few words about the 
Environmental Regulation Administration so you will 
know who we are and where we are. I did say that we 
are part of the Department of Consumer and regulatory 
affairs. Years ago, long before I came, it is a fact 
that the District of Columbia government perhaps did 
not, in their infinite wisdom, see the necessity of 
having a department on the environment for many 
reasons. 

Certainly back in the '7 0s and the '60s, 
the whole notion of environmental protection was not 
like it is today. It is my understanding that back 
then a lot of what we might do today used to be part 
of what was called Environmental Services, and then 
there was a reorganization in the early '80s, and a 
lot of that responsibility went to the Department of 
Public Works, and some went to the Department of 
Consumer and Regulatory Affairs. 

When I came in right behind the mayor. 
Mayor Kelly, the first thing that I noticed was that 
environment and housing were hooked together. It was 

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called at that time Housing and Environmental 
Regulation Administration, and I knew from my 
background that that was not to be. 

And so the first thing that I set out to do 
with the permission of the director and the mayor was 
to separate those two. Housing is just as important 
as environment, and there was no way that they could 
have, in my opinion, had a very informative program by 
being together. 

So the first thing we did was reorganize 
and realign, and in doing so we elevated the whole 
notion of environmental protection up a notch. So 
today you have the Housing Regulation Administration, 
and then you have the Environmental Regulation 
Administration. 

I am hoping and praying that one day this 
ERA will be its own cabinet level. I think it needs 
to have a representation at the cabinet. It needs to 
be visible, and it needs to play a more important role 
than it perhaps is doing now. 

Nevertheless, there are about 100 
scientists, engineers, chemists, biologists who make 
up the Environmental Regulation Administration. We 
have three focuses that we are looking at right now. 

Number one, of course, is that we are a 

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regulatory body who enforces the regulations within 
the District of Columbia. 

Secondly, we are involved with 
environmental education and outreach. 

And, third, which is a new idea coming on, 
is looking at environmental economic development 
initiatives in environmentally related jobs on the job 
market. 

The first division that we have is the Air 
Resources Division. You've heard a lot talking about 
our air pollution. You need to be aware that we, 
along with Northern Virginia, Maryland, and most of 
the states up the Northeast, are in nonattainment 
status. What that means is that our air exceeds the 
threshold of any kind of standards that we should 
have, and we are working very vigorously with our 
northeast states to try to reduce our air pollution by 
a variety of ways, either through mobile sources, 
which is the car, impact of cars on the city; 
stationary sources, which would be impact of places of 
Pepco or our printing operations or the Capitol Hill 
heating plant and the like. 

We have a second division which deals with 
water resources, and that one regulates our surface 
water, our groundwater, and monitors the water and the 

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rivers and the groundwater to make sure that they are 
not exceeding our standards. 

Remember that when we are in the regulation 
business, we have to adhere to a certain standard, and 
therefore, the staff then goes about monitoring these 
various sources of pollution to insure that they are 
not going to exceed whatever threshold or standard 
that we're talking about. 

A third division deals with soil resources, 
and I think Dr. O'Connor did a lot to explain to you 
about the concerns that we have vis-a-vis our land and 
the quality of land over here on this side of the 
river, which is more unstable than on the other side 
of the Anacostia River. 

Finally, we have our fourth division that 
deals with pesticides, hazardous waste, underground 
storage tanks, and in that division, again, we are 
registering underground storage tanks to make sure we 
are on top of what does or does not leak. We are 
looking at generators of hazardous waste, and we are 
monitoring them from the cradle to the grave, if you 
will. 

We are still in the business of allowing 
pesticides on the market, and that does seem like a 
contradictory statement, but we are in the business of 

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issuing licenses to insure that companies like 
Terminex are, in fact — and monitoring them to make 
sure that they are staying within their guidelines and 
the requirements when they use those pesticides. 

We are pushing a program called IPM or 
integrated pest management, which talks about 
alternative approaches to using chemicals as a 
pesticide. I would like to suggest to you to go to 
the drug store and buy a bottle of boric acid, just 
boric acid. It's on the shelf, and if you have roach 
problems, use boric acid. Just sprinkle it along the 
sides of your border of your walls and see whether it 
works because when you buy some of those chemicals off 
the market at the Hechinger's, read the label and you 
will discover that in some of them they do have boric 
acid, but you can just go and buy the boric acid 
yourself in a bottle and sprinkle it around, and let's 
see what happens. It does the same thing as an 
insecticide. 

I need to rush on. I have not very many 
minutes, but I just wanted to bring to your attention 
the fact that we have — there isn't a group in the 
District of Columbia that is vigorously enforcing the 
environmental laws. I like to think that we need to 
partner. We need to work with you. You need to work 

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with us. 

As Dr. O'Connor says, there are lots of 
things that you can do on your own to protect 
yourselves and your neighborhoods, but there are also 
times when there's a need to bring in the guns, and 
the guns are the regulatory agencies to come in to 
help us and help you make certain that your 
neighborhoods are free from pollution. 

We don't have much resources. In fact, my 
program is run primarily on federal grants. Right now 
we have about 21 grants that are sustaining this 
program, and the money that we get from the District 
of Columbia government is very small. 

So with that little bit of resources, I'd 
like to think that the staff does a magnificent job in 
trying to protect you and me from our polluters and 
from those midnight folks that come across the border 
to do all of the dumping that we have. 

The Anacostia River is getting cleaner. 
The fish are coming back. We have a fisheries 
management program that does research to monitor and 
insure that we are doing all that we can to bring the 
fish back in the river. 

It probably still looks brown in places, 
and that's because of all the runoff that's running 

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off into the river, but there are a lot of people; it 
takes a whole lot of folk to work together to try to 
clean up that river. That is the mayor's priority 
focus in the environment. It is certainly a focus of 
Maryland. We've got the Corps of Engineers, those 
folks who, on the one hand, dredged and created this 
problem now working with us to plant grasses along the 
river to bring the river back to its natural shape. 

We've got the White House who's now gotten 
involved looking at the Anacostia River. We've got 
folks up on the Hill. We've got Representative 
Norton's bill that she introduced to try to set some 
of that money aside for the Anacostia watershed. 

So from our vantage point, there are a lot 
of people who are trying to bring back the Anacostia 
River. I like to think that we all are working 
together. There are some things like combined sewer 
overflows that will require a lot of money, and there 
are some other things that will require paradigm 
changes, changes with us, how we treat the water and 
how we treat the banks along the bay, and what we do 
with the trash and the tires, and where do we dump the 
batteries. 

That's a paradigm changes that we have to 
make and that with your help, you will go back to your 

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neighborhoods and talk about the other folk and how 
they should change their mindset on treating the 
environment, the neighborhood, the rivers, the 
streams. 

I'd like to talk an awful lot more with 
you. Somebody tells me when you get me started, I can 
go on and on and on, but I am very appreciative that 
you asked me to come here today, and if we can talk 
afterwards or if you have some questions, and in the 
interest of time, I will stop at this moment, and just 
say thank you for your time because my time has 
lapsed. 

(Applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: Thank you, Ms. Bishop. 

Back in December 1993, Joanna Banks, whom 
you may have met as you registered to come in this 
morning, and I attended a meeting of the National 
Council of Churches, and at this meeting, one of the 
speakers was Vice President Gore, and we had many 
different religious denominations represented at that 
meeting, and we had church. 

At that same time, Vice President Gore made 
a commitment that the Clinton administration would 
pass an executive order or adopt an executive order 
addressing environmental justice issues. 

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We have with us today Robert Knox, who's 
the Deputy Director of the Office of Environmental 
Justice at the Environmental Protection Agency. He 
also has a Howard connection. He was a visiting 
professor there, and he has been with EPA for several 
years, previously serving as Director of the Office of 
Small and Disadvantaged Business Utilization. 

He holds his Master's and Bachelor's degree 
in environment engineering and management, combining 
the science with the policy making. 

Mr. Knox, please. 

MR. KNOX: Thank you very much. 

I can see that lunch is being prepared 
here. So I'm going to try to be brief. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. BROWNE: Fifteen minutes. 

MR. KNOX: Geri gave me five minutes. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. BISHOP: She gave me give. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. KNOX: Okay. Let me talk to you a 

little bit about our executive order. Rachelle 
mentioned that the executive order was signed by 
President Clinton on February 11th of this year, and 
the executive order really looks at environmental 

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injustice. 

It says that the federal government at all 
levels, all agencies are starting to deal with 
environmental injustice, past present, and future. 
Now, that's easy to say and very difficult to do, but 
let's talk about it. Let's talk about environmental 
injustice just very briefly. 

Environmental injustice. Well, you can 
define environmental justice, as some people call 
environmental racism. Some people refer to it as 
equity, and sometimes it's just called environmental 
justice. Essentially there's a difference in the two, 
and hopefully we're moving toward environmental 
justice all the time with things like the executive 
order. 


We 

at one 

time 

in EPA 

used 

the 

term 

"environmental 

equity" 

and 

you'11 

see some of 

the 

literature that we've 

given out 

here 

even 

has 

environmental 

equity, 

reducing 

risk 

in 

all 

communities. 

However, 

we 

changed 

the 

name. 

We 


stopped using that term because some of the people, 
such as Deeohn Ferris, who's going to follow me, 
looked at that issue and said that environmental 
equity actually meant spreading pollution around 
equally. 

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(Laughter.) 

MR. KNOX: That's not exactly what we had 
in mind, and what we were talking about is equal 
environmental protection in all communities, you see. 

So when the Browner administration came in, 
one of the first things they wanted to do was change 
that term and move to environmental justice because 
that was clear. The definition was clear, and more 
people understood what we were talking about. 

Earlier this morning Paul talked to you 
about some issues, such as LULUs. I'm going to 
briefly tell you about LULUs and then about BANANAS. 
LULUs and BANANAS, that's what this whole issue comes 
down to. 

First of all, LULU is an acronym that 
standards for locally unwanted land use, and what 
we're talking about there is what do you do with land 
when you can't use it for anything else and when it's 
in a flood plain or if it's an industrialized area or 
something like that. Usually you put public housing 
there because you're trying to find a place to place 
public housing, and you need to keep land, and 
invariably you'll put it in industrialized areas. 

Look at our public housing. Most of the 
public housing in our country is in an industrialized 

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area. In fact, there's an area called the Toxic 
Doughnut, which had all kinds of terrible polluting 
industry, and it had a dump right in the middle of it, 
a garbage dump, and they cleaned the dump off and put 
public housing in, a large public housing project, and 
it's surrounded by — and the people who live there, 
the children who live there, don't stand a chance. 
They stay sick most of the time, and it's just a very, 
very difficult situation. That's LULU. 

Another LULU, you heard about lead this 
morning, and lead is a serious issue. Lead, in 
Dallas, for example, in west Dallas, they were going 
to build public housing, and so they were looking 
around, and they found a LULU, and the LULU was on the 
down wind side of the lead smelter, and they built 
this public housing project there, and so the kids who 
lived there are just inundated with serious problems, 
learning disabilities, neurological problems, brain 
damage, and things like that, serious problems. 

The kids who live there, very few of them 
graduate from school. They have very low IQs, and we 
know that children who drop out of school invariably 
drop out of school because they have learning 
disabilities, not because they don't have the right 
clothes to wear and all this sort of thing. 

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So we know that lead — and we've known 
about lead, incidentally, since the days of the 
Romans, you see. You see, the Roman Empire came down 
because of lead poisoning. See, the Romans used to 
drink wine out of lead steins, and the acidity in the 
wine was breaking lead down inside, and the Romans 
were actually dying of lead poisoning. 

So we've known about lead for a long time, 
and yet lead is pervasive in our environment, and we 
have not taken adeguate steps to try to get it out, 
and that's one of the things that we're going to try 
to do, and it's very difficult to get lead out of the 
environment. 

It's in air. It's in the soil. It's in 
our pipes, in our water lines, and that sort of thing, 
and we've used lead for years, you see, and now we're 
talking about it, but we've got to get lead out of our 
environment. 

Anyway, that's another LULU. Okay. I'm 
going to talk to you about one final LULU here in 
Washington. See, what happens with LULUs is that it 
doesn't only occur in the environment. It occurs 
where you have poor people, where you have people who 
just economically don't have power, or — and I think 
the most important one is they don't have political 

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power, and any time you don't have political power in 
our country, you get dumped on. That's where they 
place all of the facilities because you don't have 
anybody to speak for you. 

So there was another LULU that was 
occurring here in Washington, D.C., and LULUs occur 
when we build highways because where does the highway 
construction always go? It goes then for communities, 
but the land is cheap, you see, and so when the 
Highway Administration is going to buy up land, they 
look for cheap land, and invariably they send 
communities of color over in poor communities, and so 
they buy up this land. 

And this happens all over the country. In 
fact, when I was a kid, I was raised in the City of 
Philadelphia and during the time that highway 
construction was going on, and we moved three times. 
My father finally said, "I'm going to move next to the 
highway so we don't have to move again." 

(Laughter.) 

MR. KNOX: The only way you could get 
stability was by being near a highway, but, see, 
again, we had leaded gas. So people living near a 
highway, you've got the lead thrown out on you, and 
you've got a lead in the air and that sort of thing. 

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Okay. So in Washington, D.C., now you've 
got highway construction, and you've got 395. Where 
are they going to put 395? Right, of course, in 
Washington, D.C. They were going to connect Virginia 
with Maryland, and connect 95 up by a split right 
across Washington, D.C., and do you know what stopped 
it, stopped the LULU? A LULU ran into a BANANA. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. KNOX: — nothing anywhere near 

anybody. That's BANANA, B-A-N-A-N-A, build absolutely 
nothing anywhere near anybody. 

This LULU that was being planned, 395, 
stops dead in its track where. New York and New Jersey 
Avenue because one person. Reverend Smallwood 
Williams, and Reverend Smallwood Williams said that 
highway is not going to go through my church. He 
stopped it dead in its tracks. 

And that shows you that with people, when 
local people can get power and communities come 
together, they can change a LULU into a BANANA. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. KNOX: And that was Reverend Smallwood 
Williams. He changed a LULU into a BANANA, and that's 
what we're talking about when people organize and take 
charge of their communities. 

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And, you know, in the United States if you 
don't organize and take charge of yourself — you 
know, we fought the war from the British. The United 
States had to get strong and organize itself. Civil 
rights, civil rights, if we had never marched in civil 
rights, we would have never integrated a thing. 
Washington would still be a segregated society, and 
you wouldn't be able to go into restaurants right now 
had we not organized and said, "We're not going to 
tolerate it anymore. We're going to stand. We're 
going to stand still and take our civil rights," and 
that's the way to do it. 

The homeless people, until they get 
organized, they're going to stay homeless because do 
you know what happens? You don't see it, and they 
become invisible. Homeless people are invisible. You 
drive down the highway and you don't even see them. 
They stand at the corner. 

One time during the winter it was like four 
below zero in Washington, D.C. I was coming into work 
in the morning, and I came down South Capitol and 
there was a homeless guy standing at South Capitol and 
M Street at seven o'clock in the morning at four below 
zero. I'd been passing homeless people by just like 
most of you, but anyway, I saw this guy out there at 

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that time in the morning. I went in my pocket and 
gave this guy a $5 bill because I said, "You are on 
your job. You're out here in the freezing cold at 
zero degrees in the morning like that." That man was 
doing more work than most people were doing by staying 
on his job. 

But, see, homeless people are going to have 
to stand up for their rights. Do you know what 
happened to homeless people? They got put out on the 
street. They used to be at Saint E's. They don't 
have a place to go anymore. See, a previous 

administration said — give minutes? 

(Laughter.) 

MR. KNOX: Anyway, homeless people, that's 
the way you've got to take charge of your own life. 
You've got to take charge of your own communities, and 
when we do that, then we stand up and say, "We're not 
going to take it anymore," and people organized. 

And that's what's happened in our country. 
People have organized. They've got environmental 
justice people. They've got people like Deeohn Ferris 
who is going to come up and talk to you, who are 
working with communities, organizing communities and 
bringing communities together and saying, "Hold it. 
You don't have to have these facilities site in your 

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communities." 

You have to know what your laws are, and 
that's what the executive order does. It makes all of 
the federal agencies look at what the laws are. It 
says that you're going to comply with Title VI. You 
can't discriminate in the use of federal funds, and 
you've got to follow certain requirements and that 
sort of thing. 

And this administration is serious about 
this issue. It was brought to them by environmental 
activists, and they're serious about community people. 
They're listening to community people for the first 
time. 

Who ever heard of the federal government 
listening to anybody? Now they're starting to listen 
to community people. They're having meetings, 

inviting community people to come and sit down at the 
table and start making decisions with the federal 
government. Normally decisions in the past have 
already been made by the time you see anything, but 
now they're bringing people in at the very beginning 
and sitting down and saying, "Let's start to make 
decisions so people can plan their lives." 

If a facility is going in your community, 
you should make the decision about whether you want 

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it. Is it going to be beneficial to you? And 
sometimes they will be; sometimes they won't be. 
You've got to know what the facts are so that your own 
community can make decisions like that. 

Let me stop here before I get kicked off. 

(Applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: I spoke earlier about our 

scientists, our physical scientist and our health 
scientist being the new Kenneth Clark of the 
environmental justice movement, but there's one 
consistency in Deeohn Ferris. She has said it all. 

MS. FERRIS: Just one? 

MS. BROWNE: She has followed in the 

footsteps of many of those attorneys in the '50s and 
the '60s and through the '70s. She is an attorney. 
She started, again, with the Environmental Protection 
Agency. 

MS. FERRIS: The graduate school. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. BROWNE: She spent almost eight years 
there serving as Director of the Special Litigation 
Division in the agency's Office of Enforcement. She 
later joined the American Insurance Association, 
working on liability and tort issues, such as Super 
Fund. 

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In 1992, she moved over to the National 
Wildlife Federation to serve as National Director of 
Environmental Quality, and then later went to the 
Lawyer's Committee for Civil Rights and launched its 
environmental justice project, which culminated in a 
very definitive March 1993 quorum on civil rights and 
the environment, bridging the discipline. 

She has now made another move since she 
visited the Anacostia Museum in January when we were 
first planning this forum, and she is now working with 
the Washington Office on Environmental Justice or to 
establish such an office where she will continue to 
coordinate and facilitate grassroot access to the 
public policy development process. 

We could think of no better person to give 
perspective on the current state of environmental 
justice. 

MS. FERRIS: Hi. 

(Applause.) 

MS. FERRIS: I'm a little restless. So I'm 
going to take it to the end of the room here. 

I want to commend Jim on the slide show. 
It was really educational, and I'm glad to know — and 
Dr. Twitty with the health issues and Ferial. They're 
all colleagues of mine. 

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As you know now, my name is Deeohn Ferris. 
I've been practicing environmental law for a long, 
long time, back in the days when people told us that 
people of color were not interested in environmental 
issues. Well, they need to wake up now, don't they? 

There are a lot of people of color in this 
room who are very interested in environmental issues, 
and I'm glad to see there are people of non-color here 
also interested in those issues. 

I'm real glad to be here today. I've been 
living in D.C. since 1975. I came here to go to 
Georgetown Law School, and I knew at the time that I 
wanted to do something in Washington, D.C., that had 
to do with legislation and power broking and all those 
fancy things, but I didn't know quite clearly what I 
wanted to do in terms of career after I went through 
this gauntlet called law school. 

I ended up selecting environmental law 
almost by happenstance. The only thing I knew for 
sure was I didn't want to be involved in a field of 
law wherein all the solutions were found in dusty, old 
law books. You see, I like to be innovative, and I 
like to be creative, and way back then environmental 
law was still a very new field, yet to be discovered 
that the environment pervades everything that we do, 

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everything that we do. 

When I say "we," I mean we ordinary people 
and I mean we industry and we government and we all of 
those sectors. The environment pervades it all. 

Now, as was said a few moments ago, there' s 
this mythology that people of color don't care about 
the environment, but back 40 or 50 years ago when 
people were organizing around all kinds of issues, 
most particularly labor, most particularly civil 
rights, there were people of color who were also 
working on environmental issues, but they worked in 
groups that didn't have the word "environment" in 
their name. 

So as issues matured and the civil rights 
movement matured and social justice movements matured 
and the peace movement matured and nuclear free zones 
and the labor movement matured, people of color in 
these organizations started looking around and decided 
that all of these issues that we've been working on, 
each of them constitutes a facet of the environment. 

You see, for people of color, the 
environment doesn't stop at the door of the work 
place. It doesn't stop at the door of the home. 
Their housing is an environmental issue. Access to 
transportation is an environmental issue. Education, 

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economic development, fair employment, equal wages, 
clean air, clean water, safe homes are environmental 
issues for people of color. 

I often like to say that bullets ought to 
be declared a hazardous air pollutant because for 
people of color, bullets are an environmental issue. 

Now, this redefinition of what constitutes 
the word "environment" is part and parcel of what we 
call the environmental justice movement. The title of 
your conference, "Environmental Justice," I'm going to 
talk to you a little bit about an historical 
perspective, how we got where we are today. 

Fundamental to this discussion is your 
understanding that the environment cannot solely be 
bees and trees. If we don't protect the people, there 
also will be no bees and trees. 

The environmental justice movement emerges 
out of a growing recognition that especially people of 
color and the poor are more exposed, more often, in 
more concentrated fashion to pollutants, environmental 
hazards, contaminants than other segments of the 
population. 

Now, that doesn't mean we're not talking 
about white people and that white people are not part 
of this movement because, as one of my good friends, 

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Dr. Bob Willard, who's a noted scholar in this 
movement, says, if they can't find a person of color's 
back yard to put it in, then they go find someone poor 
and white. 


So, the 

movement emerges 

out of 

this 

recognition 

that we 

need 

to protect 

those 

most 

jeopardized 

because 

by 

protecting 

those 

most 


jeopardized, we protect everyone. 

So to what is it that we are most exposed? 
Triple threat, triple threat, and when I say "people 
of color," I mean the spectrum of people of color: 
Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, Latinos, Native 
Americans, African Americans. Obviously when we're 
talking about Asian people and Native American people 
and Latino people, we're talking about a panorama of 
folk. There are lots of tribes of Native Americans in 
this country, lots of different Latino people in this 
country, Mexicanos, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans. Asian 
people, it's a nomenclature that we use, but we're 
talking about Korean people, Vietnamese people, 
Chinese people, Filipinos and on down the list. 
African American people I think we're pretty familiar 
with in this part of the world, but we're also talking 
about Caribbean immigrants. 

So we're talking about a panorama of people 

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of color who are more exposed than others to the 
widest possible range of risks. 

What kind of risks? I talked about the 
triple threat. The environment for us doesn't stop at 
the door of the work place, nor does it stop at the 
door of the home because people of color are most 
affected by occupational hazards, indoor air 
pollutants, and ambient contamination. 

Now, what's ambient? That's the outdoor 
stuff. Let's start there. A recent literature review 
of studies dating back to 1967 shows that air, land 
and water, people of color are more exposed to 
environmental pollutants than any other segment. 
Regional studies, nationwide studies; we're talking 
about high and low level radiation. We're talking 
about landfills and incinerators. We're talking about 
pesticides, industrial operations, manufacturing 
facilities, water pollution, consumption of 
contaminated fish and wildlife because you know there 
are lot of people of color who fish in order to put 
protein on the table, put protein on the table. They 
don't go to Safeway. They can't afford Safeway. 

So about 66, 67 — what did I say? 
Probably 63, 64 — I bounce back and forth between 
those numbers — show without equivocation that anyone 

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driving vehicles with — it might be my car. I 
borrowed a car to get here. I don't know. Is it a 
grey — 

PARTICIPANT: It looks like a Bronco. 

MS. FERRIS: AABA2P, as in Paul, B and C 
118 are the tags? Okay. Nobody has that car that's 
blocking people. 

Okay. What did I say, 63 to 67 studies, 
depending on which day I'm counting, shows that 
without eguivocation people of color are more exposed 
to this enormous range of hazards, but you're in the 
minority. 

"Minority" is a word I don't use. I don't 
apply it to myself. I am not a minority. 

But you're in the minority supposedly in 
the nation. Nevertheless you're more exposed. That's 
the ambient stuff. 

Another curious thing about those studies, 
more important than income, race correlates as the 
most significant predictor in Los Estados Unidos as to 
who is going to be exposed and when and how often, 
which is more often than anybody else. 

Let's turn for a moment to occupational 
hazards. You know, we were talking about the triple 
threat. Occupational hazards, the National Institute 

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of Occupational Safety and Health tells you that 
people of color are more often located in the dirtiest 
and most dangerous jobs. The Occupational Safety and 
Health Administration tells you that 100,000 people of 
color die every year as a result of occupational 
related exposures. 

Let's take a little micro view of 
occupational hazards, and let's look at farm workers. 
Farm workers in this country are 95 percent Latino and 
African Americans, 95 percent. How many years did it 
take EPA to come out with worker protection rules, 
Bob? 

MR. KNOX: Twelve years. 

MS. FERRIS: Twelve? 

PARTICIPANT: It took a hell of a long 

time. 

MS. FERRIS: A long, long time. Meanwhile 
the World Health Organization tells us 300,000 
underprotected people of color who work on farms being 
drenched under pesticides every year contract what? 


Pesticide 

related illness. 

Eureka. 



Up to 1,000 of 

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are 

estimates, 

die every year 

as a result of 

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The farm workers 

tell us, by the way, 

that 


that rule that EPA took 12 years to promulgate isn't 

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very protective. Farm workers have been defined as a 
disposable segment of our population, sort of just 
like some of you in this room. 

So let's go to indoor. I don't want to 
spend a lot of time on indoor because Dr. Twitty did 
such a wonderful job with it. Let's just say that for 
the sake of having something to say about it — 

(Laughter.) 

MS. FERRIS: — that lead poisoning is 
irreversible. So we have more African American 
children in this country lead poisoned, and we're 
wondering what's going on with our kids today. 

And, by the way, I talk about race 
correlating more significantly than income. It does 
so, too, with lead. Black middle class people will be 
just as lead poisoned as poor. So let's not think of 
this solely as a class issue. Just because you might 
get a job does not mean you ain't going to be 
poisoned. 

People like to make this a class issue, and 
in some cases it is very much a matter of poverty, but 
it is also very much a matter of discrimination and 
racism, and if we don't deal with the root, and 
difficult as it is to deal with our word, we're not 
going to solve any of these problems. 

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So this environmental justice movement 
revolves around these things I'm talking about. There 
was an event that occurred back in the early '80s that 
people like to point to as the galvanizing event in 
the environmental justice movement, the event that 
really spurred the growth and the burgeoning movement 
of the movement. 

The event occurred in the early 1980s in a 
place called Warren County, North Carolina, and there 
was a woman there who overheard or found out as women 
often do, because, you know, women are the bedrock of 
this movement, that the government was trying to do 
something in her community that she didn't think was 
a very comfortable thought. 

Now, learned that the government and this 
private company were trying to site this thing called 
a polychlorinated biphenyl landfill in her community, 
literally almost in her backyard, and she didn't know 
what polychlorinated biphenyl meant, but she figured 
it's got to be bad. So she started to do some 
investigation. 

As a result of her investigation, she 
encouraged activism, marches, protests, 
demonstrations, civil disobedience, and at the time 
some pretty interesting people joined her because 

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they, too, decided that it was time to start dealing 
with some of these environmental issues under the 
traditional nomenclature of environment, and she was 
joined by then D.C. Delegate Walter Fauntroy and Dr. 
Reverend, Reverend Dr. Ben Chavis, who is now 
Executive Director of the NAACP, and other notables 
who came down and marched with her and were summarily 
arrested. 

As a result of his arrest, Walter Fauntroy 
commissioned the General Accounting Office study of 
the placement of landfills in the South, and this 1983 
GAO report found without question, even based on 
status of majority-minority, that is, more white 
people than black people in the South, that it was 
definitely a fact that if you were black, you had a 
whole lot better chance of living next to a landfill 
in the South than if you were white. 

That was the first sort of public study 
that was done on disproportionate impact, 
environmental injustice, environmental racism, 
whatever you prefer to call it. 

As a result of that study and his activism 
around these issues, Ben, who was then Executive 
Director of the United Church of Christ Commission for 
Racial Justice, commissioned a national study to 

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corroborate those results. The United Church of 
Christ, working with activists around the country who 
were doing this environmental stuff, pulled together 
in October of 1991 a four-day, five-day conference, 
and in your packet are the results, some of the 
results, of that conference. 

The first national people of color 
environmental leadership summit convened, magnetized 
activists from all over the United States, principally 
people of color because the environmental justice 
movement is very much a people of color led movement. 

I will state once again for the record that doesn't 
mean white people aren't in the movement, but people 
of color are taking control of their own agenda and 
devising their own solutions to the problem that 
government and industry don't apparently seem to be 
able to solve and in many cases are creating or 
exacerbating. 

Six, 700 people convened in Washington, 
D.C., October 24th through the 27th in 1991, and 
forged the principles of environmental justice, this 
blue document in your packet. The charge at the 
summit to each delegate who attended was to return 
home and build the movement from the bottom up, not 
top down, from the bottom up. It is a grassroots, 

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community based, people of color led movement. 

What makes it so strong is that it builds 
on movements that have succeeded in the past. It has 
learned the best, this movement, from movements that 
haven't succeeded so well. It's multi-cultural, 
multi-racial, multi—regional, and multi—issue. It s 
also international because we understand that what 
goes on in this country is not confined within our 
national borders. It moves beyond. We have global 
relationships, and people of color around the world 
are also victimized by ma joritarian, as it were, 
conduct. 

I'm getting the high sign in the back. So 
I'll wind up by saying this. It is the urgency of the 
movement that has caused government to respond. 
Before environmental justice activists decided that 
there was going to be an executive order, it wasn't on 
the agenda. Before environmental justice activists 
demanded their human rights to safe, clean, and 
healthy environment, nobody paid attention. 

It is my cause to be here today 
obviously you're interested in what you're doing — to 
connect with people in this movement. United we 
stand. There are similar strategies to be employed 
here as have been employed around the nation, 

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strengths to be drawn from the strong around the 
nation. Reach out, keep up the good work, follow the 
advice of all the speakers before me. 

Thank you for allowing me to be here, and 
next year I want to see 500 people, and I want 

(Laughter and applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: Before we break up for lunch, 

I would like to acknowledge the elected 
representatives to the Board of Education of Ward 8 
and also the President of the Board, Linda Moody. 

(Applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: Would you like to say a word 
to the group before we break for lunch? 

MS. MOODY: Well, I just want to say good 
morning to you. I'm going to tell you I'm not the 
usual politician or elected official because I don't 
like intruding on someone else's program. So I'm glad 
to have been able to sit here with you for a while to 
learn something also from this session. 

And since you have allowed me to speak, I 
just want to say that the school system also is 
concerned about the environmental issues. Our 
students participate in clean-up. We have 

environmental programs in our schools, and I conduct 
a ward-wide tour, six per year, to let our children 

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see the good things that are going on in our ward to, 
in essence, help them understand that we have to keep 
clean ourselves as well. 

So I want to thank you for this opportunity 
just to speak and say good morning to you because I 
think we as elected officials have to respect other 
people's events, and so I just want to thank you and 
say good morning and hope you have a very pleasant 
conference. 

(Applause.) 

MS. BROWNE: Okay. We want to get you out 
promptly at the time we promised this afternoon. So 
if you would get your lunch, take a little break, and 
come back, and we'll convene in about 15 or 2 0 
minutes. 

(Whereupon, at 12:20 p.m., the conference 
was recessed for lunch, to reconvene at 12:40 p.m., 
the same day.) 


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AFTERNOON SESSION 

(12:50 p.m.) 

MR. BANKS: Thank you very much, Mr. 

Butler. 

You know, a lot of strange things happen to 
me, including a few months ago I came up to this 
church and saw the lady who was the secretary to the 
minister, and she and I were in kindergarten together, 
and she's standing right here. 

(Laughter and simultaneous conversation.) 

MR. BANKS: But that was a long, long time 
ago because I was born in 1920. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. BANKS: But when I was invited to speak 
to you today I said to my wife, "That's strange." I 
said, "I don't know anything about environmental 
factors." 

And she said, "Well, maybe you ought to 


ask. " 

And I said, “Well, I'll try to find out," 
but the more I listened this morning, the more I 
understand the breadth of the definition of 
environment and the relationships between the various 
environmental factors, some of which are physical, 
some social, and some economic. 

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And what I decided to try to do this 
afternoon is to give you a profile of what life was 
like during my childhood and early adulthood in this 
area, with specific emphasis on description of the 
environmental forces at play, and then to continue 
with a description of those forces today under 
perspective of the work that I am trying to do with 
the Anacostia-Congress Heights partnership. 

Seventy-four years ago this area was 
predominantly rural. Most of the housing was single 
family, free standing. Most folks had lots, some of 
them small, but some of them large enough to raise 
cows and chickens and pigs and a few horses, and 
almost everybody had a garden. 

It was a strictly segregated community. 
The area where we now sit was principally black all 
the way down to the river, and on the north and on the 
south there were white communities, and there was very 
little in the way of intermingling. 

Well, the community was principally poor. 
It had some people who had opportunities for 
education. So we had a few professionals. We had a 
pharmacist who ran the drug store down on Martin 
Luther King Avenue. It was called Nichols Avenue 
then. We had a few school teachers. We had two 

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lawyers. My father had finished law school in 1911, 
and my mother actually went to Teachers Normal School. 
I guess she graduated about 1915 or something like 
that. 

So we had a special arrangement in our 
family. I lived in a block between Morris Road and 
Stanton Road west of Pomeroy Road, where there were 
three houses that my family lived in. My father's 
father owned a house next to us, and around the corner 
his brother lived, and his sister lived with his 
mother, and we all went to the same John (inaudible) 
Church, which was basically across the street, and 
this is where everything happened that was important, 
whether it was a social affair, a religious affair, or 
a family affair. 

But we were not atypical. Most of the 
people in the community were related in some way or 
other or knew each other well. So it wasn't a place 
where you could really misbehave without everybody 
knowing it, and the crime rate for this 11th precinct, 
which is what it was, was the lowest in the city for 
many, many years. 

Now, the employment for most folks was 
unskilled. Most of the men were laborers. Most of 
the women who worked were domestics. A lot of women 

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didn't work, but as I said, there were a sprinkling of 
people who did professional or semi-professional work. 

There was a structure. The institutions 
were of the community. I'll just give you this as an 
example. The principal of the school when I went 
there was a man named John Syphax. He didn't live 
here. On Sunday afternoon at St. John's Church, we 
had what was called (inaudible), which was a young 
people's gathering to talk about issues that concerned 
us. This was back in the '20s and '30s, and John 
Syphax came to that church Sunday evening at six 
o'clock to attend the meeting of these young people. 
It was extraordinary really. Sometimes he had to come 
on a streetcar. We didn't have buses at that time. 
He did have a car, but he'd come on a streetcar, and 
the streetcar ended down on Martin Luther King Avenue, 
on Nichols Avenue, where the old Anacostia Museum used 
to be, where the theater is, and so anybody who came 
on the streetcar had to walk wherever it was, whether 
it was up here on Alabama Avenue or anywhere in 
between. 

But he used to come regularly, and I 
remember it so well because I was giving a report one 
evening. I guess I was about ten or 11 years old, and 
after the meeting he came up to me and he said, 

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"Thanks for that good report." He said, "But never, 
never say 'more better.'" 

(Laughter.) 

MR. BANKS: And I have never forgotten it. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. BANKS: Over the years, in addition to 
that, this was a community which because of its hilly 
terrain had a number of trees, a lot of brush, and a 
lot of wild berries growing, blueberries and 
blackberries and some raspberries, and one of the 
things that we used to do as kids was pick those 
berries and sell them for ten cents a guart, which was 
pretty good money for us because at that time you 
could get in the movies for ten cents or 15 cents at 
the most. 

In addition to that, there were so many 
trees growing, we used to cut our Christmas trees 
around in the neighborhood, and that didn't seem to 
cause any problems because everybody did it, and it 
was property which people owned who lived there, and 
they agreed. 

But when World War II came a number of 
changes came, and I'm going to describe those to you 
in just a minute to show you how different our 
community became. 

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We all know about the river. When I was 
growing up the river was an important place to go. 
There was a park down along the river at the time 
which was well attended by everybody in the 
neighborhood. Fishing was done frequently by many of 
the residents, and at that time probably the fish were 
more important than they are today in terms of helping 
with the family's budget. 

Swimming was not publicly discouraged 
because the water was clean. It was discouraged by 
many parents, including mine, because every year 
somebody drowned. Every year somebody drowned in that 
Anacostia River trying to swim. 

And the bridge, we only had one bridge at 
that time, was the 11th Street bridge, and it was a 
wooden bridge in the early days, a wooden bridge which 
supported the streetcar crossing, if you can believe 
that, but so you could feel the vibration rattling as 
the cars came across. 

But socially, it was a safe and secure 
community, impoverished, but not anguished, if you 
know what I mean, and then comes World War II. We 
have a lot of vacant land out here. World War II 
brought a lot of people to Washington who worked in 
the war effort. There was a serious housing shortage, 

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and Anacostia was a prime target for people to build 
housing, this new housing that the government was 
going to support. 

But something else had happened. During 
the '30s, some of the families that owned land here 
lost it because they weren't able to keep up with the 
real estate taxes, and some of the people who bought 
it got the District government to zone the land R-5A, 
which meant that you could only build garden type 
apartments. You could build no single family houses, 
not even a row house. It wasn't permitted. 

That's why we have a community which is 
primarily rental, 80 percent. But in addition to 
that, because, as the gentleman said earlier, because 
the land was cheap, it was land that was sought after 
or sold for public housing. So we have eight public 
housing developments out there. 

But that's not the whole story because 
around those eight public housing developments, there 
are a number of privately owned, subsidized 
developments. Now, when the subsidy first started, it 
went pretty much like the reguirement was that there 
not be more than 20 percent subsidized, and the rest 
of the tenants had to be market rent. 

But something else happened. Because of so 

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many low income families living together and so many 
problems which were intense and so many people from 
all over the city representing government and private 
organizations giving services, so to speak, there was 
always — and I have to emphasize "always giving 
services" — not helping people to help themselves, 
but giving services, some with no promise or no 
promise in the minds of the giver that the receiver 
had any chance to do anything but to receive. 

Now, that's an environmental factor that I 
think we ought to spend some time talking about 
because we had what I would call an environment of 
dependence as a conseguence of both the clustering and 
isolation of so many low income families together, and 
then the domination of those communities by so-called 
service givers. 

And what had happened was the community 
that I knew when I was a youngster disappeared because 
when your life is dominated by people who give you the 
very basics that you require to survive, your food and 
your housing and your clothing, you pretty much do 
what they say or else. You have to tow the line, so 
to speak. We never talk about that much when we talk 
about people getting welfare, but you have to tow the 
line. 

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I mean you tow the line, and you are not 
your own man or woman, and there are a number of 
people in this community today who have been the 
victims of that environment, and I'm proud to tell you 
one thing. We've been working here. I've been 

working here with an organization with Ms. Murray and 
Ms. Hawkins, and a lot of other people have been 

working, too, for the last four years, and when we 
first started working here in 1990, Ward 8 had the 
highest crime rate in the city. Ward 8 had the 

highest crime rate in the city, crime associated with 
the isolation and posturing of large numbers of 

impoverished people together, and the same kind of 
data applies to other sections of this city that has 
that kind of arrangements of families. 

But I want to tell you something. All is 
not lost, and I don't think we ought to ever give up, 
and I'm glad to see all of these people here today 
interested in changing the environment because I found 
out something Thursday, Ms. Murray, at our partnership 
meeting. What would you guess the standing is of Ward 
8 in terms of crime in this city compared with the 
other wards in the city? Anybody got a guess? 

PARTICIPANTS: Third. 

MR. BANKS: Ward 8 is the second from the 

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lowest ward in this city. 

(Applause.) 

MR. BANKS: That comes directly from the 

police chief and Inspector Robinson. Now, that means 
that folks here have begun to know that in spite of 
the denied opportunities, in spite of the 
environmental forces which have been theirs for years 
and years and years, that when they put their hands 
together and their brains together and people like 
Reverend Chambers get active and start doing things, 
changes do come about, and they come about broadly. 

There's a synergy to it because when folks 
see somebody doing something that's good, they begin 
to think they can do something good, too, and I'm glad 
to say that I have been a witness to change. 

And I think that we can change our social 
and economic environment just like we can change our 
physical environment, and physically, I'm glad to say 
that a part of this whole arrangement has been 
something called the Earth Conservation Corps, which 
was started down on the Anacostia River a few years 
ago. 

They went down to Beaver Dam to clean it up 
because some people had been taking advantage of the 
fact that the officialdom wasn't looking and had 

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dumped thousands and thousands of discarded tires down 
there, and Earth Conservation Corps went down and 
cleaned it up, and it's now a clean part of that 
river. 

A lot more has to be done, but that part of 
it was done. 

Now, because this is an isolated area and 
we have dependency, we still have some problems. One 
of the environmental problems that we have of 
significance is there is a good deal of illegal 
dumping, illegal dumping in this neighborhood, and 
many of those dumping are coming from outside of the 
city. 

Now, I think we can bond together. We can 
form our orange hats or whatever we want to call them 
and communicate with each other and catch these folks 
and get our city council to put the kind of penalties 
on them that will stop them once they're caught and 
they'll never do it again because the penalties will 
be too high. 

So I'm glad you invited me here today 
because I think that my perspective is a perspective 
of social justice in environmental forces, and I hope 
that we will keep our hands together and our heads 
together, both to pray and to work, because both are 

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necessary. 

Thank you. 

(Applause.) 

(Whereupon, a short recess was taken.) 

MS. JONES: Good afternoon. 

I have some housekeeping tasks. I know 
housekeeping tasks come from a book, but I picked up 
and had to take back — and there's some more of them 
that are out, and they would like for you to bring 
them back. They don't belong to us. They have to go 
back. They have a blue stamp on them. Please give 
them to Julia. Julia is in the grey sweater, if you 
will, please. Thank you. 

Good afternoon, and as she said, my name is 
Theresa Howard Jones, and I'm the moderator for this 
afternoon. 

One of the things that caused me to think 
about it, a young lady asked me how did I get involved 
in this, and I remember going back in and it was 
really 1959 when the city had planned to put an 
incinerator in our back yard over at 20th and Stanton 
Terrace, and I belonged to the civic association for 
this area, which was the Garfield Heights Civic 
Association, and Sterling Carroll said, "We have to 
fight that thing out of here." 

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Now, that was when the city was basically 
quiet, and I am a Washingtonian, and I don't think I'm 
a rare breed. There's a whole lot of us around here, 
and you can find us if you look. 

Well, we protested that and went over to 
what is now the Fort Totten incinerator and dump, and 
I felt sorry for those people over there, but the city 
put it there. I don't think they raised their forces 
against it, and even if they had, the city would have 
planned and nobody listened. People listen somewhat 
more now, but of course, it's always a fight. 

And then I jumped over some years as I had 
done some things, but I remember when the Wilburn Mews 
housing first came about, and we said to the zoning 
board, "They can't build without treating the land," 
and I went over to agriculture with Absolon Jordan and 
we got all this information and all these books, and 
we gave testimony to say, no, you can't put those 
townhouses up there without treating the land. 



And Walter Lewis, 

who is 

now 

dead, 

great 

mentor of 

mine, always plucking 

my 

memory 

and 

provoking 

my thinking, he 

said, " 

Are 

you a 

soil 


expert?” He was the chair of the board of zoning. 

And I said, "No, but the government is," 
because I had this book, and this book is put out by 

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the U.S. Department of Agriculture. 

He didn't buy any of that. So what I did 
was I took myself down to the treatment plant into a 
class for ten days that taught me about the soil. 
Well, the next time I went before the board of zoning 
and Walter said, "Are you a soil expert?" and I said, 
“Half way, but, yes, I am." 

(Laughter.) 

MS. JONES: And I told him that I had been 
to this class, but that was incident to the official 
records, and we did make some headway. 

So I looked at those two things, and then 
I've been in and out of environmental issues, and of 
course, in the town meetings I'm always talking about 
how the government allows the pollution of land with 
all kinds of things, noise, trash, pollution, air 
pollution, water pollution, and I always bring these 
things up, and sometimes I sound like a broken record, 
I said, but I'm right. So, therefore, the record is 
broken in the right place. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. JONES: And I think that we have to 

keep these issues in front of us. We have to keep our 
actions in front of us, and we have to go get the 
government's documents, as well as the private 

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sector's documents, and use and quote and say these 
are the things that pertain to us, and this is what 
will make this kind of activity stop. 

And I'm happy today to see so many people 
here, and I'm happy today that we can do this in Ward 
8, and I'm just happy that environmentalists came 
together to say something to the powers that are, to 
say, "Save us, save our children, save a tree, save a 
lawn, save anything that's going to be beneficial to 
our environment, and leave the earth here for 

generations to come." 

We're going to have a little change in our 
lineup of the panel, and we're going to call on Evan 
Vallianatos — am I saying that right? 

MR. VALLIANATOS: Vallianatos. 

MS. JONES: Vallianatos, who is a 

professor/lecturer in the Department of Sociology at 
the American University and a program analyst at the 
U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, and he is going 
to give us a spiel today that will be beneficial to 
all of us that we can take back to our communities, 
neighborhoods, friends and foes alike. 

Evan Vallianatos. 

MR. VALLIANATOS: Thank you very much. 

The discussion this morning was obviously 

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focusing on domestic environment, and this is 
particularly affecting this community, and I'm afraid 
I have to report to you that what's happening on the 
global level is not any better. In fact, I would say 
it is pretty much identical. 

Whether you talk about water or whether you 
talk about the air or you talk about the economic and 
colonial dependence that Mr. Banks alluded to and Paul 
Ruffins alluded to, this is on a global scale, so to 
speak. 

This disaster started in 1492 when the 
Europeans through Columbus discovered, so-called 
discovered, America, and from 1492 to now, a little 
bit over 400 years, more or less, we have had this 
continued kind of colonialism of peoples by the 
Europeans. They colonized them by force, of course, 
and then by religion, and in the 20th Century the 
colonialism continues, of course, in a different 
level, a far more sophisticated level. 

So that you are creating unfortunately a 
mono-culture that is one kind of idea, one philosophy 
that says we know how to go about resolving economic 
problems. We know how to go about resolving all sorts 
of other problems, tough problems, education and so 
on, and that kind of model of development has been so 

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distracting unfortunately so that you have right now 
Africa, 30 years after so-called independence, that is 
actually worse today than it was in the '60s. 

You have problems in Brazil, for instance, 
where the rain forest — we have the largest section 
of trees in America in one spot, so to speak, and that 
development model of the Europeans is pretty much a 
white community, a model of development. You have 
massive deforestation, the destruction of the people, 
the indigenous people, the American Indians, there, 
and you have the spread of disease and the spread of 
all sorts of horrendous problems. 

In early '92, I managed to go to Brazil for 
a national conference, and I visited that space that 
is the Amazon. I don't pretend to know very much 
about it, but the fact that I was there, it made a 
difference to my life. 

You not only have the canopy of trees, but 
you have this fantastic system of rivers and the 
fantastic system of plants and animals, all coexisting 
together. What I did not see unfortunately is that 
you don't see very many Indians. You don't see very 
many indigenous people left in the Amazon. Most of 
them like the American Indians in North America have 
been pretty much taken off where they were, and they 

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have been put in a place of concentration, or to put 
it in a little bit more gentler way, they are in 
reservations, and they have become completely 
dependent. 

This is the sort of development model that 
is actually causing the environmental problems. For 
instance, if you look at Africa, Asia, and Latin 
America and put them together, and you look at the 
kind of technical assistance that they're supposed to 
be receiving, the amount of money they're receiving, 
the amount of money they are receiving is less, the 
amount of money that actually leaves these continents. 
So you have the impoverishment of Africa. Africa 
today sends more money out than it receives in 
technical assistance. 

And you have international organizations 
like the World Bank and IMF and other major banks that 
continue to demand that they get paid for the loans 
that some of the nasty, corrupt governments of those 
places did before like the '60s and continue to do, so 
that the impoverished Africas have to pay the 
interest, much less the original money that they 
borrowed. 

And it is this kind of colonial 
understanding, I think, that explains the 

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environmental problems because it's that model that 
pretty much continues to be transferred everywhere, 
from universities to every place we go. 

The problems that we are trying to resolve 
today in this neighborhood, for instance, have a 
global repercussion. The good part about all of this, 
of course, is that you have people like you all over, 
in Brazil, in Nigeria, in everywhere. Everywhere you 
go there are no large organizations. They are small 
groups that actually are fighting to resolve some of 
these problems. 

And an example of what these nonprofit 
organizations or these people without power can do, it 
was the 1992 Rio Conference in Brazil when the 
agrarian nations put up this conference on environment 
development, and you had a fantastic group of people 
from all over the world that got together. In fact, 
they signed their own agreements and conventions in 
contrast to the official agreements and conventions 
that were signed by the governments. 

And in those NGO conferences or 
conventions, you see ideas like sustainability, 
sustainable development. You hear the ideas of, for 
instance, agrarian reform, land reform. You talk 
about sustainable communities, how people can actually 

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end the pollution of their lives and the pollution of 
the environment. 



In contrast, 

if you 

compare those 

agreements 

with the 

official 

conventions and 

agreements, 

you have, 

you know, 

both kinds of 


perspectives that by the year 2000 we're going to slow 
down the export of hazardous waste, for instance, from 
the United States to places in Africa. By the year 
2000 we're going to diminish the amount of chemicals 
that we allow into the environment to destroy the 
ozone layer, and you have promises like this. They're 
absolutely formal promises, and perhaps they are 
social, but I think in the long term in terms of 
finding solutions for problems, it's people like you 
that really will make a difference. 

It's the nongovernmental organizations in 
Africa and Asia and Latin America that can get 
together, and they understand the impact of the 
environment on their lives because, like some people 
said today, the environment is not just a kind of 
physical environment. It is the biological species. 
The environment is the whole social and biological 
involvement that we actually are trying to make a 
living, and unless we protect the biological 
environment, we can't protect the social environment 

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and vice versa. There is a complete dependence 
between the two. 

For instance, right now, another example of 
this kind of horror story is going on in Eastern 
Europe and Russia. Remember the Soviet Union 
dissolved in 1991, and as a result of that, they 
decided to go capitalist. So it was after that that 
you have typical companies that run into Russia or 
what is Russia that used to be the Soviet Union, like 
jackals on a victim that's actually died. 

For instance, in Siberia and the far 
eastern part of Russia, you have an area that is the 
size of the entire United States, and that is about 
one billion hectares of forest still intact, some of 
which has been destroyed, but for the most part is 
intact. So you have American companies, like 
Warehouser, and you have companies from South Korea, 
companies even from North Korea, companies from Japan, 
of course, that have been going there and they make 
all sorts of corrupt deals with the local former 
communist officials, and they begin to export the 
trees just like they exported from Northern 
California. 

I taught a year in Northern California, and 
my students and I saw some of this clearly. By clear 

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cut I mean you have this vicinity that complete wipes 
out everything that lives in that territory, and if 
you should look at it from an airplane, it looks like 
somebody actually bombed the place. 

This is the official way of actually saying 
that they manage the forest. When you talk about 
forest management, that's exactly what they mean. 
They're going to clear-cut, and all of these problems 
are going on in Russia at this moment as we speak. 

Russia, because of its system of government 
before the change, they have irradiated practically 
the whole country. That is, in the development of 
nuclear bombs and the development of nuclear weapons, 
they had to test those weapons so that the country has 
been irradiated. You have places like Kazakhstan, 
which is a huge country. It's an Asian country, and 
they're trying to do something about it right now. 
They are in charge a little bit of the Caspian Sea. 
They have the Aral Sea, and both seas, which are huge 
bodies of clean water, they are practically dead, not 
dead, but pretty much because they were used for the 
dumping of all sorts of waste, and they put all of the 
petrochemical industries around the seas so that all 
of the effluents ended up into the water. 

Now, for instance, we are trying to 

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understand the magnitude of those problems and help 
them, but at the same time, I don't think there is a 
real honest appraisal of all these past errors or past 
mis judgments or past bad developments to say: if that 
model of development didn't work, what is the 
alternative? 

They are not really looking at, for 
instance, the wisdom and the knowledge of people like 
indigenous peoples in the Amazon or in North America, 
for that matter, or anyplace else and say: if we do 
agriculture this way and we have contaminated the soil 
and the land and now our food and our water, what is 
the alternative to that? 

In the United States, we have a few 
problems that deal with the reduction of the poisons 
that are used to grow food, but I don't think they go 
far enough really to replace the toxic system that we 
have in place because that's the toxic system that has 
been in place around the globe, and it's contaminating 
everything on the environment. 

And it seem to me if you cannot have clean 
water and clean food, then I don't know what is there. 

But in contrast to that, as I said before, 
the local people, in particular, the local 
organizations, actually are moving slowly, gradually, 

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without much resources, just like the NGOs in this 
community I presume don't have much money. They get 
together on occasions like this, and they talk about 
it, and they promote ideas like sustainable 
agriculture or organic farming and a system of growing 
food without a dependence on chemicals, and that way 
also the farming is not dependent on outsiders, so 
that you have a self-reliant community. 

The environment begins to heal itself if 
you give it a chance, and then slowly you have the 
reemergence again of democratic institutions. Because 
remember we have to have diversity in nature, as well 
as diversity in societies, and if one diversity gets 
smashed because of the prevalence of one idea, one 
culture, then you have an imbalance in the biological 
environment. 

So that you have to have biological 
diversity and human diversity. They both are 
interdependent. They both create the whole idea of 
sustainability, and sustainability is the only hope 
that we have really to recreate some kind of a system 
of both social and political institutions that will 
help the earth to heal itself, and perhaps that way we 
can understand and get results for some of the other 
major problems that arise out of racism, out of class 

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inequality, and so on. 

And the idea of environmental justice that 
was stressed so much this morning, it's really very 
valid, and it has, again, also global kinds of 
dimensions because you have Africans who are black, 
you have Asians who are not white. They themselves 
face the same problems that you face in this 
community. 

You have the export of hazardous waste, the 
export of the dangerous industries that go to these 
places, and then you have the export from those 
communities of the best things that they have, like 
bananas and agricultural crops, coffee and everything 
else. They come to the people that have the money to 
purchase them. 

So you have the same kind of arrangements 
that are going on in this community. You have more 
money going out than more money coming in, and the 
kind of dependence that I think is nothing but another 
form of colonialism, and this is the understanding 
that we have to have really to resolve the problem. 

It's not just accidental that things are as 
they are. Mr. Banks, I think, gave a very interesting 
and illuminating lecture on the history of this area, 
and he demonstrated how these colonial forces began to 

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dominate this area from the time of racism down to 
today, the official racism of today, and it is this 
kind of perspective of historical events that we have 
to have in order to really resolve any of the global 
problems. 

So I hope this is what I have to say, and 
I thank you for inviting me to be here. 

(Applause.) 

MS. JONES: Thank you, and we're glad that 
we invited you and glad that you could come. 

I'd like to introduce the Reverend Anthony 
Motley, who is my neighbor and a good friend of mine. 
Anthony J. Motley is the co-organizer of the 
Redemption Ministry and Evangelistic Outreach Ministry 
located in the Congress Heights section of Southeast 
Washington. Reverend Anthony Motley's many community 
and civic activities range from his ministry to 
persons living with AIDS to his work on behalf of the 
Coalition of the Homeless has won him national and 
local recognition. 

Reverend Motley came to me a while back and 
asked about this environmental conference here today, 
and I told him, yes, I was interested, and, yes, I 
would agree, and of course, the museum would not let 
me renege on that. 

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I'd like to introduce the Reverend Anthony 
Motley that we call Tony. 

REV. MOTLEY: I want to first give honor to 
God for I know that if it wasn't for God in my life I 
wouldn't be sitting here looking at you and you 
looking at me. Thank my friend and mentor and sister, 
Theresa Jones, for that introduction, and thank the 
museum for inviting me to be a part of this 
discussion, Mr. Newsome, who is a dear friend we go 
back years — as well as Ms. Banks. 

To my panelists that I'm sitting here with, 
it truly is good to sit in such company and to also 
hear the international implications of the 
environmental problem as it has been shared by the 
professor. 

In 1983, I started a program in Congress 
Heights called the Summer Academic Program, which 
reached out to young people ages ten to 16, and the 
theme that we had from June 27th through August 19th 
of 1983 was "Speculations of Nature and the 
Environmental Motions and Conditions of Man." 

Some people thought that that was a little 
bit too progressive, and some folks even laughed at us 
for even attempting to take young kids and share with 
them the problems associated with the environment, and 

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especially the environment that they lived in, the 
conditions of community life. 

And during that course of time — it was 
about an eight-week period — these young children did 
environmental air testing, quality testing. They 
would take stockings from their mothers and other 
guardians, and they would like build a little screen 
and put it in the yard, and then they would go back 
and check for the air quality, and then we would 
analyze it not in terms of some type of elaborate 
scientific process, but just on site looking at it and 
looking at what this stocking gathered in just from 
sitting there in the yard. 

They also went around and took pictures of 
the environment that they lived in, and they compiled 
a document that they, in turn, sent to the city 
council person at that time and stressed the 
importance of the need to fix the infrastructure, the 
streets, the curbs. These things were in 
environmental conditions that impacted negatively on 
their growth and development, and they saw that, and 
they shared with the powers that be. 

They also did some writing on the 
environmental issues in our community, and they looked 
at the impact of the airport being right across the 

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river from where we live and its impact on the noise 
environment of our community, and they even visited 
the airport, and for many of them it was the first 
time. 

And so I'm very pleased to be a part of 
this discussion. I think it's long, long overdue, and 
I come now as a minister who, when we set out to do 
this project back in '83, we identified churches that 
we sent this proposal to to say to them, "Help us to 
make this a reality in the lives of these children," 
and we got no response from the religious community 
because environment was not an issue at that time, and 
they had not the foresight to see that it was 
necessary to enhance the quality of live 
environmentally, as well as socially and politically, 
economically and educationally, as well as, you know, 
dealing with what these children were faced with on a 
day-to-day basis. 

As we begin to dialogue on the issues 
pertaining to and related to the environment, i.e., 
the water and air quality, trash, toxic dumps, I would 
also think that we would look at the housing 
conditions, crime, drugs, violence in the community, 
and especially in the context of God's creation and 
our responsibility to it as God's creation. 

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We've been created by the Creator, and we 
must also, as we embark upon this historical dialogue, 
take into account that it was on the backs of African 
Americans that this country was, in fact, built, and 
that we, in turn, tilled and planted harvest on the 
farms and plantations of this country, in the fields, 
and our blood has been shed for the ideals of freedom, 
for this democratic society, as well as now our blood 
is running down the streets of America's cities and 
into the gutters which are filled with despair, the 
lack of economic opportunities, inadequate and 
affordable housing, and the tears of our mothers who 
have lost daughters and sons are running in the 
streets now, and the infrastructure is deteriorating 
before our eyes, and the educational program that our 
young people are exposed to lacks some basic 
understanding and teachings concerning the world in 
which we live and our role and our responsibility to 
this world and to one another. 

Now, when we think about theology, one of 
the things that we must put into perspective is that 
it's not something that is beyond our reach. The 
thought of theology is not something that's beyond our 
ability to articulate it. It's simply a talk about 
God and where does God, in fact, fit in our lives. 

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According to a young man that wrote a book 
called Churches in Struggle , Norman Fong, he said in 
the chapter on theology emerging out of community that 
theology is first and foremost a theology for and with 
a community. It must be rooted in a people's story, 
giving direction for and with that community. 

James Cohn, who is an African American 
theologian from Union Theological Seminary in New 
York, in his book A Black Theology of Liberation , says 
that theology ceases to be a theology of the Gospel 
when it fails to arise out of the community of the 
oppressed. 

Now, these two thoughts have led me to 
conclude that there cannot be a succinct, effective, 
and comprehensive strategy or approach arising out of 
this forum or any other forum to address the 
environmental issues confronting our communities 
without first having a body politic that creates in us 
a predisposition, a predetermined attitude, a well 
thought out and critically analyzed approach agreed to 
and accepted by those of us who, first, realize that 
a common denominator or common ground which is based 
on the theology must first of all be accountable to 
God. 

And so it cannot be accountable to one 

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another, each other. It has to be first accountable 
to God, and therefore, once we establish that as the 
common threat, the common denominator, then we can 
function in the term of or in the sense of community 
and do what is in the best interests of the earth and 
what God has created. 

For in Genesis 1:28, it says God delegated 
responsibility to humankind for taking care of the 
earth, and it says, and I quote, "Then God blessed 
them and God said to them, 'Be fruitful and multiply. 
Fill the earth and subdue it. Have dominion over the 
fish of the sea, over the birds of the air, and over 
every living thing that moves on the earth,unquote. 

God did not tell us to destroy the earth or 
to abuse all living things on the earth. No, what God 
wanted us to do was to be responsible stewards of his 
blessings, take care of what He has given us. 

Now, we have not done such a good job. 
Now, while we are discussing the way things look, that 
is, the aesthetics of our communities and the 
potential hazards of toxic dumps, lead paint, trash 
dumps, and the like, I would like for us to take into 
consideration a school of thought that doesn't receive 
the kind of attention I believe it ought to and the 
type of responses that it should in order for our 


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children, because they are our future, to survive in 
a time when they are confronted with a dichotomy that 
begs some close, very close observation and analysis. 

The fact that our children are faced with 
so many social, economic, educational, psychological, 
and spiritual problems, and that they are constantly 
being deprived of some basic cultural, environmental, 
physical, and emotional stimuli necessary to help mold 
them into productive human beings is an area that 
needs our attention. 

We can talk all we want to about the toxic 
waste, and we can talk about the acid rain, and we can 
talk about the ozone layer being destroyed. We can 
talk about the water pollution, but it is necessary 
for us to look at the correlation between IQ, job 
acquisition and performance, genetic development, 
cognitive skills, SAT scores, and environmental 
conditions. 

Now, we must look at these things in order 
to help our children to compete in and make a 
wholesome and significant contribution to society. 
Finally, given that the District of Columbia has 
become, quote, unquote, the worst in terms of 
environmental quality among U.S. cities according to 
the Environmental Almanac, and compared with 50 

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states, the District of Columbia ranked dead last in 
each of ten categories considered indicators of the 
environment in which children lived, i.e., violent 
deaths, idle teens, high school graduates, violent 
crime, poverty, teenage parenthood, et cetera; and 
moreover, that the District's most heavily African 
American neighborhoods also are its most polluted by 
cars, illegal dumping, leaking oil, sewer overflows, 
and other contamination, according to a report on race 
and the city's environment, the church must — and it 
is emphatic that the church — that institution that 
has been historically the place where the oppressed 
people of the world have come to receive enlightenment 
and come to be relieved of their burdens and come to 
seek liberation and freedom; the church, that 
religious institution that sits on just about every 
corner in our community, the one that sometimes the 
doors are open and sometimes the doors are not. 

The church, the place where our people seek 
to find answers to some of the most perplexing 
problems that they are faced with today; the church 
must become once again the institution in the center 
of a community or neighborhood wherein we can begin to 
address the issues such as environmental concerns and 
justice. 

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If we are to begin the process of 
determining the direction to address these issues, 
then the church must be willing to respond and help to 
lay out the agenda for the communities' redress of 
those matters that have overly compromised the guality 
of life and endangered yet another generation. 

And so I thank you and thank you for your 
patience and understanding. God bless you. 

(Applause.) 

MS. JONES: Thank you, Reverend Motley, and 
I'm happy that you talked about the young people 
because the next person on our panel to speak, I went 
over and introduced myself to her, and I hugged her 
because I was saying to myself, "Where are the young 
people in here?" 

And I also saw someone brought some very 
young people who can benefit from a gathering like 
this, but I spoke to Ms. Rona Carter who is a senior 
student at the University of the District of Columbia, 
and she has organized extensively through the United 
States as a volunteer within the grassroots 
communities, mostly on youth leadership training and 
environmental justice issues. 

I give you Ms. Rona Carter. 

(Applause.) 

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MS. CARTER: Thank you for letting me be a 
part of this panel. 

I come to you as a board member of the 
Student Environmental Action Coalition and also as an 
active member of the People of Color Caucus, and let 
me just go on to kind of explain what SEAC is, which 
is the acronym for the Student Environmental Action 
Coalition. 

It's a grassroots coalition of youth and 
student groups in the country who are concerned about 
social and environmental justice issues and have 
mobilized together to create SEAC, and through this 
united concern, we have over 2,000 student and high 
school groups in our coalition, representing over 
50,000 students in this country. 

Young people are becoming increasingly 
aware and concerned about our environmental issues 
because I think we realize that we will inherit the 
legacies of today's political and economic choices 
that are being made, and I think that as we sit here 
today, there are over 2,000 high school students at a 
high school strategy session in Champaign, Illinois, 
strategizing on an environmental agenda for this next 
school year. 

But I think as in all movements that we 

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have today, there are a lack of students in the 
movement, but also a lack of people of color, which 
again, I'm involved in the People of Color Caucus. 

Now, within SEAC in 1990, young activists 
came together, people of color, to create the caucus 
to address the marginalization of people of color in 
the environmental student movement, and we have come 
very far in that we have a lot of environmental 
programs designed for students of color. We have a 
lot of environmental youth leadership training. We 
currently have a Sustainable California Youth Project 
in California. 

And, again, SEAC is led and organized by 
students. We have no — nothing against adults — 

(Laughter.) 

MS. CARTER: — we have no adults or older 
people, should I say, in leading roles in SEAC. It's 
student organized and student led, and you know, this 
new environmental justice initiative which includes 
the Sustainable California Youth Project is a national 
effort of people of color, youth and students, people 
of color across the country to begin to educate and 
train a lot of young people whose doors have basically 
been closed on environmental issues and understanding 
what it is and how and why it's so important to get 

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involved at this point. 

And I think that, again, in D.C. we'll be 
having the environmental justice initiative in the 
fall. We'll be getting students from the D.C. high 
schools to get involved in the initiative. It's a 
mentoring and leader trainership process, but I would 
like to reiterate what the Reverend has said, that we 
must begin at first before we can begin to learn or 
really expect to understand what the environmental 
justice movement is; we have to begin at the root 
causes of why they're lack in that. 

We have to begin with their lack of 
understanding what racism is and how that plays a role 
in their everyday lives and why, you know, within the 
environmental justice movement racism plays a major 
role in that, and that process will begin in the fall 
so that we can begin to build leaders and applicants 
of people of color to become leaders in this movement 
as has been lacking since it's kind of come out. 

Again, we are not the only ones; SEAC is 
not the only one involved in this student 
environmental justice movement. We have students 
groups across the country. We have the Latinos and 
African Americans who call themselves Toxic Avengers, 
and they go in their communities, and they're fighting 

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against hazardous waste issues. 

We have indigenous youth in the Indigenous 
Environmental Network who are battling indigenous 
issues and religious freedom rights, and we have also 
international students within our network. It's 
ASEED, an acronym meaning Action for Solidarity, 
Environmental Equity, and Development, which includes 
62 countries of international students who have 
mobilized and come together to deal with race, 
population, policy, and development, and sustainable 
economy. 

And we actually were very successful at the 
Earth Summit in 1992 in bringing over 2,000 students 
there and having them represented on the U.N. board, 
representing ASEED. 

So this is again to say that students are 
involved in this movement. We're forcing our way in 
there, but we're getting involved, and we're trying to 
open the door for those who aren't, who aren't getting 
involved or those who are kind of closed-minded or not 
really attuned to the issue. 

My statement is brief. Basically that's 
what I wanted to say here. Again, thank you for 
letting me come and speak with you. 

(Applause.) 

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MS. JONES: I'd like to say, Ms. Carter, 

that we're glad to have you here and we're glad that 
you came. 

The next person on our panel I went over 
and introduced myself to him and indicated that I read 
his Anacostia Watershed newsletter, which is very 
informative. I do take it to work, had it with me 
today, but I left it on the seat of the car, but this 
past issue had a lot of information in it, and people 
who would like to read that paper ought to tell him 
that and get it and read it because there's a lot of 
information in that and things that you can use in 
your own neighborhood. 

His name is Robert E. Boone. He is the 
Executive Director of the Anacostia Watershed Society 
and co-founder and president and CEO of a unigue, 
citizen-based conservation society whose primary focus 
is to, quote, clean the water, recover the shores, and 
honor the heritage of the Anacostia Watershed. 

I give you Mr. Boone. 

(Applause.) 

MR. BOONE: Well, first of all, I'd like 
everyone to stand up a minute and break the spell of 
taking a nap after lunch. Take a deep breath. Thank 
you. 

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Second of all, I'd like to express my 
appreciation for this event happening and for the 
sponsor Smithsonian putting this on, and there's got 
to be more of these. We just can't wait until next 
year at this time to have one of these. We've got to 
have one in Ward 6, one in Ward 5, one in Ward 7. 
It's critical that these sorts of meetings happen 
because there's not enough people in these communities 
taking care of their communities. They just don't 
have the information. They are not aware of what's 
going on. They're not aware of the plans that are 
being made behind their backs about their community. 

And I'm here to bring a message, and I'm 
not concerned about how you think about me or what the 
color of my skin is. I've got a critical message here 
I want to deliver, and it's a message that we should 
take to heart and we should take to our friends and 
neighbors who live in this part of town because 
there's some bad business happening. 

But before I get to all of that, I just 
want to give you a little prologue of what we've been 
up to in the last five years. I'm sorry I didn't 
bring slides, but I get carried away when I get into 
slides. So I just brought these. 

This is what's happening on the banks of 

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the river of the Anacostia. Imagine this in your 
front yard. Well, this is the front yard of the 
Anacostia community, that river, and this is what you 
see there after a good rain storm. 

And what are our good governments doing 

about it? 

PARTICIPANT: Nothing. 

MR. BOONE: Nothing. 

Well, now the D.C. government did get a 
good grant from the EPA, and it put up some trash 
booms, and that did work for a while, but they ran out 
of funds, and so that was the end of that. 

But the irony is that much of this trash 
doesn't even come from D.C. More than half of it is 
coming out of Maryland, and what are the Maryland 
governments doing about it? 

PARTICIPANTS: Nothing. 

MR. BOONE: Nothing. 

We've been hounding on them for a good 
while to do something about that, and we are making 
some slow progress, but it's really slow. 

This group, the Anacostia Watershed 
Society, has removed about 80 tons of trash off of the 
river, 80 tons, and we hope to be out of that business 
soon. There are low cost solutions to the problem, 

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and one of them that the D.C. Public Works Department 
developed was putting the trash booms up to collect 
the trash, but they've got to be put up way up in the 
tributaries. 

Now, there are some stuff coming down from 
Watts Branch and Hickey Run and other tributaries in 
the District, but all of the tributaries need to be 
done. 

We were talking. Mr. Banks, he's left, but 
he mentioned this psychological environment of 
dependence. Well, I feel like this trashed river is 
exerting this oozy psychological pall over the whole 
community. You go to a school and you look out the 
window and you see the trashed river. What kind of 
message does that deliver to the kids? We can't play 
here because the community doesn't care enough to 
clean this area up. This is the dump. 

And they see other kids going to beautiful 
rivers and enjoying it. What kind of subtle message 
are we sending to the young people? We don't care. 

We don't care about this community. We don't care 
about this river. We just don't give a damn. That's 
really the strong message that's being sent. 

I read a Chesapeake Bay report. They were 
doing a survey of the fish out in the Potomac here in 

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Washington. The water was clear. You look down six 
feet. A school of fish were swimming by. You could 
see them there, and they were digging up the sediments 
to look and see what kind of micro invertebrates were 
there in the sediment. 

Then they moved over to the Anacostia. 
They dug up some sediment from the Anacostia that had 
a oozy, foily smell to it. The fish they caught had 
tumors on them. So this is just an excellent example 
of what's really going on between the two communities 
here in Washington. 

But as Jim pointed out, the river is 
getting somewhat better. The sediments on the bottom 
aren't, but some of the water quality is improving, 
but at the same time that there's millions of dollars 
being spent on government programs or other programs 
to clean up the river, there's other parts of the 
government that are pushing as hard as they can to 
destroy the parkland along the river and to put in 
this super highway right in the middle of town, this 
Barney Circle Freeway. 

This community is down wind from that. 
This community is going to suffer more than any other 
from the impacts of Barney Circle. This community is 
not responding to this issue. 

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I just got word from a Senate subcommittee 
the mayor is sending her people over there to Congress 
saying there's very little opposition to the Barney 
Circle Freeway, very little. That's the word that 
Congress is getting about the project. 

Well, we're going to bring a different 
message, but we need more people who live here in this 
community saying, “We don't want it. We don't need 
it. It's just a negative. It's a very big deficit to 
the health of everyone here and the children of the 
next generation." 

That's what got me into this river clean¬ 
up, my son. I wanted to have a place so that I didn't 
have to drive 500 miles to and fro to have a clean 
place to show him how I fit and how we all fit within 
a bigger context that's not manmade. It's natural. 
It's made from the spirit, from God, and you don't 
find that in the city. Everything you experience in 
the city is manmade or most of it, and so we get the 
idea, well, we can make it; we can break it; we can do 
anything we want to, but it's all right. But that's 
not the case when you get out into the natural 
environment. You learn you're a part of an 
interdependent net. 

So that's the frame of reference we have, 

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and this river is really a delightful experience. 
We've just acquired eight canoes, and we start our 
canoe trips from Bladensburg right here. I'm sorry if 
you can't see this. The District line is running 
right along here. So you see most of the Anacostia 
River is in the District, but there's two miles that's 
in Maryland, and we take kids and put them in canoes, 
not only kids; big kids, too; put them in canoes here 
and we go down the river, and you can go all the way 
down to Benning Road and not see a single manmade 
structure. It's an incredibly beautiful trip. 

There's more bird wildlife in this area 
than any other part of Washington, and this is the 
Aquatic Gardens here where the Corps just spent what 
was it, $2 million restoring weapons here? And 
they're going to do some more work in Kingman Lake. 
It's a super area here for doing what I said, bringing 
young people to teach them there's something bigger to 
life than a Chevrolet. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. BOONE: There's something more to life 
than a parking lot or housing, you know, and this is 
going to be an excellent place to do that. 

If you have a group and you want to do 
this, take them down the river, get in contact with me 

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and we'll set it up. 

And there's the National Arboretum. It's 
our nation's garden spot. There are some incredibly 
— you know, there are some plants in there that cost 
more than my car did. They've imported them from 
China. There's an Asia valley that comes right down 
at the Anacostia River. It's incredibly beautiful 
there. 

And then you go down to Children's Island. 
Children's Island has been a sore point. That's the 
reason we have it in red here. Fifty acres of prime 
property right in the middle of Washington, D.C., and 
what does the present administration want to do with 
it? They want to give it to a developer, charge $12 
a head to go and look at these phoney crystal palace, 
look at fish in aquarium, and other just really low 
class events on Children's Island. 

We would like to have Children's Island as 
a nature center, a free park, preserve it like C&O 
Canal is, like Rock Creek Park. That was the original 
intent of the designers of this city. Rock Creek Park 
was an upland park, and Anacostia was going to be an 
aquatic park. We want to see that vision become a 
reality, and that's what we're about. 

We are fighting real hard now. The mayor 

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wants to put the Barney Circle Freeway that's going to 
go right through here, both sides of the river, and 
hook up this Kenilworth with Southeast-Southwest. She 
wants to develop Children's Island. This is her jobs 
program. She wants to break up the furniture and burn 
it to stay warm. 

(Laughter.) 

MR. BOONE: We're selling the next 
generation's inheritance for a few lousy, low class 
jobs in a construction that, you know, maybe last two 
years. Nobody's going to buy a house with that kind 
of job, but if you preserve this land we and the next 
generations will have a beautiful place to enjoy, 
equally as fine as anything else in this city. 

And, in fact, this region right here is 
going to be one of the most attractive nature areas in 
the whole entire Eastern Seaboard. You've got a 
beautiful urban area with the national Mall here, this 
area here, and Fort Meade up here. That's a 20 mile 
bike ride from the Mall to Fort Meade, and it's just 
going to be a really delightful place to live and to 
see nature not far from home. 

So I highly encourage this group to offer 
this experience to more people who live in this area 
because this is the place we learn what's going on in 

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our neighborhood. We're not learning from the 
government. We're not learning from TV. 

We had these clean-ups, as you saw. The 
media doesn't come out for that. Although it's 
dumping in the community, it's not very exciting. 
We've had more than 80 of these clean-ups involving 
thousands of volunteers, but you don't hear about it 
in the paper. 

But we're not doing it to get in the paper, 
but it's important that it gets in the paper because 
it gets into people's minds, and you know, coming over 
here today, Alabama Avenue, the litter strewn on the 
sides of the streets. It just gave me a creepy 
feeling. It's an indicator of community pride, and 
it's time. You know, it's time to organize and say, 

"We can no longer tolerate this." 

You know, the Kingman Park community, we 
work in the Kingman Park community real closely, and 
do you know what? We work together, and Jack Kent 
Cook ain't there anymore. The new stadium isn't 
happening there, and the reason that's not happening, 
the Kingman Park community and environmental groups 
got together. We put our color aside. We put all of 
this other stuff aside, and we got down to this, and 
we educated the people in the community, even some of 

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them who had season's tickets. They came on our side 
because we took the time to describe it to them and 
tell them about the impacts of the new stadium, which 
they already knew from the old stadium, and we got 
together, and we blocked that stadium. 

But it took everybody being informed, and 
that's the reason I'm asking that these kinds of 
meetings happen more often, because it's through these 
kinds of information meetings that people learn the 
truth about what's going on. 

So that's what I've got to say and I thank 
you for this opportunity. 

(Applause.) 

MS. JONES: Thank you. We thank you for 

coming. 

Our next speak is also a neighbor of mine, 
a friend of mine, a long time friend of mine. I'm a 
friend of her father's, okay, is Kemi Morten, Esquire; 
is a Southeast Washington, D.C., resident who 
graduated from the D.C. public schools before earning 
a Bachelor's degree from the University of San 
Francisco, and a law degree from the University of 
California at Berkeley. 

And I'd like to say this because I like to 
give a lot of encouragement to women lawyers who 

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understand what the issues are, and not that the men 
don't understand the issues, but they understand them 
from another point of view. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. JONES: What I'm saying is — what I'm 
saying is, having been an advocate for the poor and in 
the low income community and also part of that and a 
former public housing tenant, we didn't make any 
progress until we had some women lawyers who said, 
"Well, I know about raising children." 

The men were saying the same thing, but 
they were saying something else about raising 
children, and we were talking about nurturing children 
in the environment, in a clean environment, and we 
were saying things like that. So finally the men did 
come to our side. 

I must give some credit to Reverend 
Lipscomb because no matter what we asked him to do — 
he's the pastor of this church — what we asked him to 
do when this was a little, bitty historical church 
sitting on this site, he came to help us. Even if he 
didn't agree with us, he came to help us, and 
sometimes he put us on the right track, and we put him 
on the right track. 

(Laughter.) 

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MS. JONES: So I am saying that I give a 
lot of encouragement, lots and lots of encouragement 
to anybody, but I do put some emphasis on young black 
women lawyers and Kemi Morten is one of those, and 
she's one of our own from here in Anacostia, and I 
give you Kemi Morten. 

(Applause.) 

MS. MORTEN: Thank you. Good afternoon, 

family. 

I'll tell you I'm very, very pleased to 
have been invited to speak today, and I really wish 
that we could go around before this is over and just 
find out who's here because I know everyone in this 
room has a lot to say about this issue, and I think we 
should meet next month, same time and same place. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. MORTEN: Or you can meet in our place. 
We can rotate it. 

I'm with the Ward 8 Citizens for 
Environmental Justice, and I just wanted to ask: how 
many of you know about the plans by the FAA to build 
a 90 foot, 95 foot tall radar tower at the corner of 
South Capitol and Martin Luther King? Please raise 
your hands. 

Okay. Ninety-five feet tall where it's 

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going to have a facilities building. It's going to 
have a huge underground fuel tank, and it's going to 
be located on parkland that has been used for years in 
this community by the neighbors. We would play 
softball. Theresa, I know you know we'd have picnics 
over there. I think it's I'd say about eight or nine 
acres of parkland, beautiful parkland in the middle of 
a residential community. 

I found out about it because Unfoldment, 
which is the organization that I work with, is 
situated right next door to the site. We have three 
acres of land, and our neighbors, the U.S. Park 
Service, have nine, and they're reluctant conspirators 
in this, I must say, co-conspirators. I think they're 
kind of being forced along by the politics, but they 
really don't want the tower to be there. 

When I saw the scaffolding going up two 
months ago to actually construct it, I mean I just 
freaked out, and I called our ANC commissioner, Calvin 
Lockridge and Mary Cochran and some others, and they 
sprang right into action, and we called the meeting of 
Unfoldment. I showed them the scaffolding. We formed 
the Ward 8 Citizens for Environmental Justice, and our 
membership is open. You can call us at (202) 561- 
2992, (202) 561-2992. We've only had one meeting, but 

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that was a powerful meeting because we called 
Congresswoman Norton's office, and she came to our 
meeting. Well, she didn't come, but she sent Alma 
Henderson, and we named our group. We created our 
letterhead. We came up with a phone number and a fax 
number, and that's all we've done. We don't even have 
a mission statement, and one week later the 
scaffolding came down. Isn't that great? 

(Applause.) 

MS. MORTEN: But that's not the end of it 
because what they're going to do — I've gotten a 
letter dated May 20th to Ms. Norton, a copy of a 
letter — the Federal Aviation Administration proposes 
to locate an airport surveillance Radar 9 tower in the 
vicinity of South Capitol Street and Martin Luther 
King, and they're going to have another hearing within 
the next 60 days. 

Now, the problem is they had a hearing on 
October 10th, 1992, and February 5th, 1994, but nobody 
knew about it. We only received less than a week's 
notice of the February 5th, '94, meeting, and I don't 
think any of us received notice of the October 10th, 
and at the hearing we weren't given any information 
about the structure. We were just told that it was 
coming. 

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And there are other sites that are more 
appropriate for this tower. It's presently at Crystal 
City, and they're saying that the buildings are too 
tall at Crystal City, and Crystal City has overgrown 
this tower, and so it's going to have to be moved, but 
it could be put at Bolling Air Force Base. It could 
be put at National Airport. There are a whole lot of 
places it could be put rather than the heart of our 
residential community, taking away parkland from our 
children. 

So I am here on behalf of the Ward 8 
Citizens for Environmental Justice to urge all of you 
to join our organization and to help us defeat this 
permanently. 

Now, the Washington Post people came out 
last week, and sometimes, you know, when you get a 
call from the Washington Post — and I know you know 
it, Theresa — sometimes you don't even want to return 
the call because you don't know what the story is 
going to wind up saying. 

(Laughter.) 

MS. MORTEN: And when I took them over to 
the site, we had to hike through the woods to show the 
reporter the site, and he said, "Well, could you hike 
through the woods again and show the photographer and 

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take a picture, maybe preferably of little children 
who would be deprived of this area?" 

Well, the woods have grown up now and you 
can't even use the area for a park anymore unless it's 
cleared, but we hiked through the second time, and we 
took pictures, and there's going to be an article they 
said coming out, but none of that really means 
anything, except as a lawyer I have volunteered, as I 
told the Washington Post reporter, to file a lawsuit 
and to get a team of lawyers together to help us file 
a lawsuit if necessary to prevent the construction of 
this radar tower in our community. 

But we're going to need your help, and I 
think we don't even have to go as far as a lawsuit if 
we get all of your help in this room to make calls and 
come to the meeting and get involved with us. I think 
we as a people can defeat this outside of the courts. 
So I'm here to ask for your help and to ask you to 
join our organization and give us your genius and your 
ideas and let's get this tower out of our community. 

Thank you very much. 

(Applause.) 

MS. JONES: Thank you, Kemi. 

And as far as the tower is concerned, I 
wrote a letter, and I told them that we'd walk in 

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front of bulldozers, and I don't know whether you'd 
like to do that. 

MS. MORTEN: That's right. That's right. 

MS. JONES: I've done that before. 

MS. MORTEN: We will walk in front of 

bulldozers. 

MS. JONES: Because the tower is not what 
we want. We want that to be an environment where 
children are nurtured, as I said before. That's the 
way I think children ought to be. 

I'd like to thank our panel. I thought you 
were great. I think everybody in this room is great, 
and this is the end of this section of the program. 

(Whereupon, a short recess was taken.) 

REV. CHAMBERS: I'm going to be very short. 

I'm serving for Brenda Richardson's 
absence, but the concerns I have this afternoon are as 
a result of going into a meeting focus group at the 
museum that dealt with environment. As a clergy 
person in Ward 8, I find myself to be one of those 
persons who are speaking up who really had no 
awareness of the toxic dumps, the waste, the quality 
of air that was in Ward 8. After sitting, listening 
to the meeting, I became very concerned because I 
think all clergy persons are concerned about the 

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welfare of the parishioners, residents. 

One of the things that I'm going to offer 
this afternoon at the table is that this should be a 
consortium of groups in Ward 8 primarily that deal 
with environment issues. It appears that a lot of 
people are doing a lot of things, but we're all out on 
various wings, and I think that one of the answers to 
that is to bring a consortium together that not only 
would bring about an umbrella group, but also bring 
about an advocacy group. 

There would be no need for the citizens of 
Ward 8 — and there is a need, but had there existed 
a consortium which would have been on target, then the 
emergency need for this citizens group — the group 
would have been in place, and what I'm suggesting in 
Ward 8 is that we come together and bring all of the 
pieces together because what I understand as the 
clergy here is that not only are we talking about 
environment issues, but we're also talking about a 
great development that's getting ready to hit 
Anacostia. 

And I think that many of us are asleep. 
Many of us don't understand that the Metro is there 
for great development, that the Highland Washington 
Heights Apartments are there, and there's a group 

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meeting constantly for the purposes of developing that 
whole piece and doing away with the public housing and 
everything else in that environment. 

So I think we really need a group that will 
be involved in ongoing, day-by-day activity in terms 
of dealing with the issues that are hitting us in Ward 
8, and that group must be a group that's totally 
staffed, funded, executive director, because I 
personally feel that if that does not happen, we're 
revisiting Southwest; we're revisiting Georgetown. 

The other that I offer, after listening to 
the discussion, is that in public housing that is set 
up having focus groups and museums, that maybe we want 
to go into public housing and meet with the people 
right where they are and make them aware. Begin the 
education piece with them right in their setting. 

PARTICIPANT: Amen. 

(Applause.) 

REV. CHAMBERS: We sit in this room today, 
and I'm sure all of you are experts, most of you, most 
of you. 

(Laughter.) 

REV. CHAMBERS: But I'm sure that the folk 
who are in the public housing environment, many of 
them aren't aware. They know nothing about the 

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quality of air, the toxic waste. I did not know until 
three weeks ago when I went to CVS — is that right? 

PARTICIPANTS: Yes. 

REV. CHAMBERS : Drug Store. I did not know 
that God's toxic dump was behind the drug store. 
People are shopping there every day. I did not know 
that. I wasn't aware of that. 

So I think what we need to do in order to 
help the people is to go into the environment and then 
to impact it. I would like to see us in Ward 8, maybe 
out of this consortium, begin a clean-up process, 
begin to move automobiles, clean the environment, and 
even in public schools. You know, kids go into dirty 
schools, then they go to dirty homes, then they go to 
dirty streets. So if we're going to really impact 
this situation, I would hope that we would start in 
our neighborhoods beginning to clean up the streets, 
bringing to bear on the Honorable, most distinguished 
former mayor, Mr. Barry, that we need to do something 
in Ward 8 and clean this total environment. 

And then the other idea is relevant to 
churches and pastors. I don't know, Reverend Motley. 
You've done an excellent job, and I'm sure pastors 
were invited today. Possibly ten, 15 pastors were 
invited today. I'm not sure that they see this piece 

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as critical, and it's due primarily to, again, the 
lack of education. 

But I think that a means, a method, some 
mobilization can come about to bring about pastoral 
involvement. There's hope. There's got to be hope, 
and I think that once they understand this through an 
education piece that they would participate. 

The reason I'm here today is because I 
understood in the focus group the danger, the need, 
and so I came. I'm sure that other pastors really 
have a real feeling for this, especially in Ward 8, 
those I speak of, that they will join us at the table. 
So don't give up. I just think we need to find a 
model, find a means, find an organization to bring 
them to the table and give to them the same education 
and we received today. 

I know that that can happen. The final 
piece that I bring to the table, Mr. Banks spoke of 
the dumping, the illegal dumping in Anacostia. That 
needs to be addressed in an immediate way, and I think 
that that can happen possibly through some 
mobilization, some monitoring of your organizations, 
your groups that will set up a reporting system, and 
we can identify these people who are coming in, have 
a system by which we can report them, and make them be 

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169 


held accountable for their actions. 

Those are the items that I deduce from this 
meeting today, and I trust that it will be helpful, 
and maybe we can put them in place. 

(Applause.) 

(Whereupon, at 2:50 p.m., the meeting was 

concluded.) 


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170 


CERTIFICATE 


This is to certify that the foregoing transcript 

in the matter of: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND CONCERNS 

EAST OF THE ANACOSTIA RIVER: 

JUSTICE OR JUST US? 


Before: SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


Date: JUNE 18, 1994 


Place: WASHINGTON, D.C. 

represents the full and complete proceedings of the 
aforementioned matter, as reported and reduced to type¬ 
writing. 



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